Archive/File: people/b/bellant.russ bellant.pt3 From: cberlet@igc.apc.org (NLG Civil Liberties Committee) Newsgroups: alt.conspiracy Subject: Re: Bellant: Old Nazi Networks in US Message-ID: <1299600123@igc.apc.org> Date: 12 Dec 92 02:28:00 GMT References: <1299600110@igc.apc.org> Nf-ID: #R:cdp:1299600110:cdp:1299600123:000:11751 Nf-From: cdp.UUCP!cberlet Dec 11 18:28:00 1992 [Editor's note: This file was concatenated from the six original parts. Header files, excepting ID's, have been removed for parts 2-6. knm Dec 14, 1992] /* Written 9:10 pm Dec 8, 1992 by cberlet in igc:publiceye */ /* Written 8:30 pm Dec 6, 1992 by cberlet in igc:p.news */ /* Written 7:14 pm Mar 4, 1990 by nlgclc in igc:publiceye */ Bellant: Old Nazis/Allies 1 PART THREE - SECTION 1 ALLIES AND ALLEGIANCES "Perhaps what is most wrong with the World Anti-Communist League is what it hides behind and what it has rejected. In the name of anti-communism, it has embraced those responsible for death squads, apartheid, torture, and the extermination of European Jewry. Along the way, it has repudiated democratic government as a viable alternative, either to govern or to combat communism." (Scott Anderson & Jon Lee Anderson,[Dodd, Mead & Company, 1986] - Roger Pearson, the White House and Racialism - When journalists first saw the White House fundraising letter dated April 14, 1982, written for Roger Pearson and signed by Ronald Reagan, it was thought to be a fluke. Since Pearson, a former leader of the World Anti-Communist League, was a world-renowned racialist with a long history of associations with neo-Nazi groups and individuals, a White House repudiation of the letter was expected when the problem was discovered. After all, it was the summer of 1984, and who would want Reagan connected in any way with an advocate of racial extermination policies before the November elections? , however, pursued the story and found out that the White House itself was unwilling to repudiate the letter, or Pearson. [F-206] White House staff did say Pearson would be asked to stop using the letter. Anson Franklin, an assistant presidential press secretary, added "the president has long held views opposing racial discrimination in any form, and he would never condone anything to the contrary. But that's a general statement; I'm not addressing Dr. Pearson specifically." When Roger Pearson first visited the U.S. in 1958, he didn't seem a likely candidate to receive White House favors. At the time he was the London-based organizer of the Northern League, [f-207] a white supremacist European organization that included former Nazi SS officials. The League was inclined toward Nordic, pre-Christian pagan culture. [f-208] Pearson's first American visit was arranged by magazine, edited by Willis Carto. The magazine was an endorser of the American Nazi Party. [F-209] called Pearson "the world's foremost spokesman for the scientific and forward looking view of nationalism. He is held in renown by white nationalists the world over." [F-210] Pearson moved to the U.S. in 1965, merging his magazine with a Willis Carto publication to form , which Pearson edited for a short time. [F-211] The magazine had over two dozen racialists and anti-Semites on its masthead, including Austin App and C. M. Goethe, honorary president of the American Coalition of Patriotic Societies. [f-212] Pearson published four monographs in 1966 that represent the core of his ideas. One monograph, titled , was "based on Professor Hans F. K. Gunther's ." [F-213] Gunther was a top Third Reich racial theoretician and Pearson associate from the Northern League. [f-214] In , published in 1966, Pearson's writing reached the logical end of racial hatred: "If a nation with a more advanced, more specialized, or in any way superior set of genes mingles with, instead of exterminating, an inferior tribe, then it commits racial suicide. . . . [f-215]" Pearson's monographs are still offered by neo-Nazi booksellers today. [f-216] quoted Pearson as saying "I'm not ashamed of anything I've said or written." [F-217] Pearson moved to Washington in 1975. Within a year his Council on American Affairs was sponsoring seminars and publishing monographs with persons such as Edwin Fuelner, president of the Heritage Foundation; Ray Cline, former C.I.A. deputy director; and others who would later become high officials of the Reagan Administration. [f-218] His Council also became the U.S. chapter of the World Anti-Communist League (WACL), an international network including fascists, followers of the authoritarian Korean cult-leader Rev. Sun Myung Moon, and neo-Nazis. [f-219] Pearson became the editor of the American Security Council's [F-220] and served on the board of the ASC's American Foreign Policy Institute. [f-221] His co-editors were James Jesus Angleton, former C.I.A. deputy director for counterintelligence, and Robert C. Richardson III, the retired Air Force general who worked in the Air Force's Politico- Military covert operations branch. At the time he was working with the ASC and Pearson, Richardson was also aiding the Wilson-Terpil operations to Libya, involving secret gunrunning and explosives transfers. He was also active in various ASC-spawned groups, such as the Security and Intelligence Fund and Coalition for Peace through Strength. The Council on American Affairs> is also a member of the Coalition for Peace Through Strength. Pearson was a member of the editorial board of , the monthly Heritage Foundation magazine, during this period. In 1977, Heritage officials reciprocated, joining Pearson's . When Pearson decided to host the 1978 World Anti-Communist League (WACL) conference in Washington, D.C., he was well established with American and European Nazi networks, as well as the far right of the Republican Party and the New Right. The WACL meeting was not a total success for Pearson, however. The warned of "The Fascist Specter" behind WACL and highlighted the conference participation of an Italian fascist party, American neo-Nazis, and Pearson's own racialist background. [F-222] Pearson's name soon disappeared from the masthead. However, ASC president John Fisher, who addressed the WACL meeting, [F-223] did not drop Pearson from the American Foreign Policy Institute board. In a sense, the Pearson-Heritage link wasn't severed either. Heritage's director for domestic issues, Stuart Butler, joined Pearson's , as did right-wing sociologist Ernest van den Haag of , who is on the editorial board of the Heritage Foundation's . When van den Haag was asked in 1984 about his Pearson association, he said he didn't remember the journal at first, but several minutes later insisted it wasn't a racist publication. Van den Haag is apparently not offended by a little racialism himself. "I support the voluntary sterilization proposals of William Shockley," he volunteered in a 1984 interview. Van den Haag wrote a monograph on the 1954 Supreme Court desegregation decision which argued that the decision was wrong. He has also claimed that Blacks are inferior to whites: "I am all in favor of improving the quality of education for all. But this can be done only if pupils are separated according to ability (whatever determines it). And this means very largely according to race." [f-224] Van den Haag's writings have been distributed for years by the International Association for the Advancement of Ethnology and Eugenics (IAAEE), a racialist organization on whose executive board van den Haag served. [f-225] associate Stuart Butler simply insisted that Pearson was not a racist. Donald Senese, also associated with Pearson's and a former Department of Education official, insisted that Pearson wasn't a racist, and that his monographs were written long ago. When he was told that Pearson continues to defend his writings, he said that "this interview isn't going anywhere," and hung up the phone. Pearson continues to publish a racialist journal, , which uses body and head measurements, such as the cephalic index, to identify "ideal types" among races. He also publishes the through his Institute for the Study of Man. He maintained contact with European racialists not only through WACL, but also as a board member of , a French highbrow neo-Nazi group. [F-226] After the story, Pearson's , which is co-published by George Mason University, added two officials of former Interior Secretary and New Right activist James Watt's >Mountain States Legal Foundation. [F-227] Pearson was elected to head University Professors for Academic Order (UPAO), a group that includes many members of the Heritage Foundation, the Reagan Administration and the Mont Pelerin Society. [f-228] The latter is a group of about 500 ultraconservatives whose best known economists, Milton Friedman and Friedrich von Hayek, were architects of the economy of Pinochet's Chile. Both advocated a form of dictatorship as part of the economic plan. Heritage Foundation president Edwin Fuelner is treasurer of the Society. Another board member of UPAO, white supremacist Ralph Scott, a former vice-president of DANK, [f-229] the Nazi-apologists, recently became head of UPAO. Scott, who has praised the book , [F-230] a white-supremacist discourse, was named to the Iowa Civil Rights Advisory Commission in 1981 by the Reagan Administration. Scott later become chair of the Iowa group, which advises the U.S. Civil Rights Commission, but stepped down in 1988 after an article by Barry Mehler in revealed his background. [F-231] Scott and Pearson have also received tens of thousands of dollars from the Pioneer Fund, [f-232] which assists researchers attempting to prove Black inferiority. [f-233] One well-connected Pearson associate is Sam Crutchfield, who has been the attorney for the racialist IAAEE, for a number of Jesse Helms' organizations, and for Pearson's Institute for the Study of Man. [f-234] In addition to serving on the Editorial Advisory Board of a Pearson publication, Crutchfield, an attorney, set up the Institute for Democracy, Education and Assistance (IDEA) on behalf of Oliver North and his courier, Robert Owen. [f-235] Pearson has friends at the American Security Council, the Heritage Foundation, and among Reagan appointees, as well as several aides to Jesse Helms. [f-236] He is connected to a network of academic racialists in the U.S. and abroad. Long-established ties to Saudi Arabia, Korea, Taiwan and South America from his WACL days continue to serve him well. When the article came out five weeks before the election, the White House decided to stick with Pearson. He was apparently still seen as part of the Reagan team. Senator Alfonse D'Amato wrote a plank into the proposed 1984 GOP platform denouncing "those who preach all forms of hatred, bigotry, racism and anti-Semitism." [f-237] A statement from his office added, "there should never be room for compromise on issues like this. . . .Racism and anti-Semitism must be condemned outright--without hesitation." [f-238] D'Amato declined all comment on the Pearson-White House ties. When George Bush denounced Walter Mondale a week before the 1984 election as soft on anti-Semitism, no one looked at Reagan's ties to Roger Pearson, one of the foremost Nazi apologists in America and clearly one of the best-connected racialists in the world. Message-ID: <1299600124@igc.apc.org> References: <1299600110@igc.apc.org> PART THREE - SECTION 2 ALLIES AND ALLEGIANCES - The ASC and the World Anti-Communist League - The American Security Council not only has ties to the aggressively pro-military network warned of by Senator Fulbright, but ASC is also one of the key U.S. links to the World Anti-Communist League (WACL). The League, described extensively in a 1986 book, , is an umbrella group for Latin American death squad leaders, Hitler collaborators, followers of the Rev. Sun Myung Moon, rightist dictatorships, and anti-Semitic activists, some of whom are connected to the quasi-Nazi Liberty Lobby. [F-239] As early as 1978 The described the fascist and neo-Nazi elements affiliated with WACL. The article carried the headline: "The Fascist Specter Behind The World Anti-Red League." [F-240] In 1984 the unsavory elements of WACL were detailed in a series of columns by Jack Anderson. [f-241] Alternative publications since 1978 have carried articles about the fascist and Nazi undercurrents in WACL. [f-242] Despite this journalistic record, when the World Anti-Communist League was named in the "Iran Contragate" congressional hearings into the Contra supply networks of Oliver North, not one major news outlet reported the fascist constituencies within WACL or the leading role played in WACL by followers of Sun Myung Moon. Moon, of course, is no friend of democracy. He is a theocratic authoritarian who considers himself the Son of God and the new Messiah. Moon and his many front organizations have long been used by the Korean CIA as a lobbying and propaganda vehicle to advance the twin goals of maintaining high levels of U.S. military and economic aid, despite successive repressive regimes in South Korea and the continued presence of U.S. armed forces in South Korea. Moon's organizations have supported WACL financially and have helped solidify cooperation between WACL and members of the American political right wing. [f-243] Since 1970 there have been three organizations that have served as the U.S. branch of WACL. All three are in the ASC's Coalition for Peace Through Strength: *** {The American Council for World Freedom} was, from 1970 to 1975, WACL's U.S. affiliate. Composed of 35 U.S. groups, it was formed at the urging of Taiwan. Its first chairman was ASC's John Fisher. [f-244] *** {The Council on American Affairs} was the second U.S. branch of WACL from 1975 to 1980. It was chaired by racialist Roger Pearson, who had strong ASC links throughout that period. *** {The U.S. Council for World Freedom} (USCWF) was formed in 1981 by retired Major General John Singlaub. It immediately became the third group to serve as the U.S. branch of WACL. While Singlaub was Field Education director for the ASC for the next three years, he cultivated USCWF and personal contacts abroad. Singlaub attended the August, 1981 WACL meeting in Taiwan. [f-245] On June 25, 1982 he told the Anti-Bolshevik Bloc of Nations (ABN) [described in detail later in this report] meeting in Munich, Germany that it was his "objective to organize all anti-communist forces in the world, so as to not only contain this communist threat, but to bring about its final and {unequivocal demise}" [emphasis in the original], according to a paraphrased remark in an ABN periodical. [f-246] In 1984, Singlaub assumed the role of Chairman of the World Anti-Communist League. Although Singlaub began devoting his time to WACL, he kept the ASC briefed on his activities. Fisher served on the USCWF advisory board and Singlaub served on three ASC boards. The ASC is also one of 17 member organizations of the Coalition for World Freedom, the political action arm of the U.S. Council for World Freedom. At the 1984 WACL conference the ASC was also represented by Sam Dickens, who sat on a Contra aid panel. Another panel, concerned with aiding UNITA in Angola, reached the conclusion it was advisable to consult with Fisher on the best way to proceed with pressuring Gulf/Chevron Oil out of Angola. Other ASC leaders also participated in the WACL meeting. WACL was considered an important vehicle for Reagan's Central America policy. The White House sent warm greetings to the 1984 meeting in San Diego. [f-247] A U.S. military honor guard was also provided, as had been the case with other USCWF events in previous years. The White House sent R. Lynn Rylander, Deputy Director of the International Security Agency in the Pentagon, who kept the White House briefed on events as the meeting progressed. [f-248] His boss, Neal Koch, served as the Pentagon's representative on a panel coordinating assistance to the Contras, in concert with Oliver North. At the 1984 WACL meeting, Singlaub announced the launching of the private aid campaign for the Contras. WACL, he declared, was going to lead efforts around the world on behalf of the Contra cause. Singlaub planned to approach the Taiwan and South Korean dictatorships for Contra aid. The reported that Singlaub told Congress that Assistant Secretary of State Abrams had "told him not to make the request, explaining that it would be made instead `at the highest level,' which Singlaub said he believed meant the White House." Holly Sklar, in her book , cites testimony from the Iran-Contra hearings and concludes that Singlaub did approach both Taiwan and South Korea for Contra aid and then passed those contacts on to Oliver North. [F-249] Both Taiwan and South Korea have historically assumed leadership roles and provided substantial funds for WACL, as has the Saudi Arabian monarchy. The Canadian branch of WACL, the Canadian Freedom Foundation, headed by John Gamble, works closely with the U.S. Council for World Freedom (USCWF) and Singlaub. Together USCWF and the Canadian Freedom Foundation form the North American Regional unit of WACL (NARWACL). Gamble and Singlaub alternate as chair of NARWACL. Gamble was implicated in the Iran-Contra funding network when a firm for which he served as treasurer and director, Vertex Investments, was discovered to have invested in the arms sale to Iran through two of his partners. The Canadian Freedom Foundation (CFF) and Vertex both operate out of Gamble's law office. [f-250] At least two CFF leaders are active anti-Semites: Pat Walsh is the Canadian correspondent for the quasi-Nazi Liberty Lobby newspaper the [F-251] and Paul Fromm helped found the neo-Nazi Western Guard. [f-252] The Western Guard is led by John Ross Taylor, who served 51 months in detention for pro-Nazi activities during WWII. [f-253] Taylor also leads Canadian contingents to Aryan Nations meetings, including a commemoration of the deaths of members of The Order, a paramilitary offshoot of Aryan Nations that engaged in robberies and murder in its effort to overthrow the U.S. Government. [f-254] Shortly after the 1984 WACL conference, the National Security Council recommended that Reagan approve a plan that made Singlaub "the chief `authorized' contact for private fund raising," according to the Associated Press. His selection, due to "his military background and international connections," was verbally approved by President Reagan. [f-255] Message-ID: <1299600125@igc.apc.org> References: <1299600110@igc.apc.org> PART THREE - SECTION 3 ALLIES AND ALLEGIANCES - Ukrainian Nationalism and Nazi Collaboration - In 1983, the White House proved that a Nazi whose organization collaborated with SS units and mass murder, and who helped maintain a Nazi organization for four decades, can still be an honored guest of the President. [f-256] Yaroslav Stetsko was the source of that lesson. Stetsko, who died in July 1986, worked with intelligence agencies of Nazi Germany, and briefly established himself as a pro-Nazi premier of the Ukraine under German military occupation. [f-257] The Ukraine, now a Republic of the Soviet Union, is an Eastern European region of lush farmland that has a long history of nationalist fervor. During the rise of European fascism after World War I, some Ukrainian nationalist groups tied their hopes to fascism as an ideology, and then collaborated with Hitler and Nazism in World War II. One Ukrainian nationalist group was the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN) which split into two organizations: a less militant wing, led by Andrew Melnyk and known as OUN-M, and the extremist group of Stepan Bandera, known as OUN-B. The Nazis preferred the radical nationalist OUN-B. [f-258] During the German military occupation, the Ukraine witnessed terrible atrocities against Jews and other groups targeted by Nazi policies. The OUN-B organized military units that participated in these atrocities. With the collapse of the Third Reich, many Ukrainian collaborationists fled their homeland. After the war, the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists-Bandera (OUN-B), a clandestine group financed in part by German intelligence and led by Stetsko, accelerated its work in the West. A secretive group, OUN-B's tracks are difficult to follow. "You have to understand. We are an underground organization. We have spent years quietly penetrating positions of influence," explained an OUN-B member who insisted on anonymity. The positions of influence under discussion were Reagan Administration appointments. All of the OUN-B's key Administration contacts were through an organization called the Ukrainian Congress Committee of America (UCCA), headquartered in New York City. The UCCA is described as heavily influenced but not totally controlled by the OUN-B. Supposedly an umbrella organization of Ukrainian-American groups, there are groups within UCCA that are complete OUN-B fronts. [f-259] The White House had looked favorably on the Ukrainian Congress Committee of America, appointing its chairman, Lev Dobriansky, Ambassador to the Bahamas in 1983. Dobriansky is a longtime ASC official. His daughter Paula was put on the National Security Council. George Nesterczuk, former director of the Ukrainian National Information Service (UNIS), which is the Washington, D.C. affiliate of the UCCA, was appointed deputy director of the Office of Personnel Management. In 1984 he became Deputy Director of the U.S. Information Agency. [f-260] In 1984, Bohdan Futey, head of the Cleveland branch of the UCCA and a Republican Heritage Groups Council activist, was appointed head of the U.S. Foreign Claims Commission. [f-261] Futey and Nesterczuk are described as the contact points between the OUN-B and the White House. [f-262] The top OUN-B leader for external affairs in the United States is Bohdan Fedorak, who also chairs the Southeast Michigan UCCA branch. He maintains contacts with Futey and Nesterczuk. It was through this network that arrangements were made for Reagan to make a campaign stop in October, 1984 at the Ukrainian Cultural Center in the Detroit suburb of Warren, Michigan. [f-263] The Center is headed by Fedorak, who has been a delegate to WACL conferences for many years as a lieutenant of the Stetskos. [f-264] In 1985 the UCCA's Committee on Foreign Affairs, chaired by Fedorak, continued pressing Congress against the Office of Special Investigations, the Justice Department unit charged with bringing action against suspected Nazi war criminals and collaborators in the United States. Futey and Nesterczuk are also members of that committee. [f-265] Such agitation on behalf of suspected war criminals and mass murderers did not deter the State Department's Committee for Security and Cooperation in Europe (CSCE) from working with the National Captive Nations Committee, co-sponsoring a series of hearings on human rights problems in the Soviet Union in June, 1986. [f-266] The Captive Nations Committee is essentially an OUN-B front that operates out of the UNIS office in Washington, D.C. It has local affiliates around the country (Fedorak chairs the Detroit committee), but the UNIS office told an interviewer that the National Captive Nations Committee had been inactive. Committee literature available in the office was at least four years old. No current board of directors was available. A UNIS employee considered it a paper organization. The hearings held jointly by the State Department and Captive Nations in Detroit were hosted by Fedorak at his Ukrainian Cultural Center. [f-267] The UCCA is also a member of ASC's Coalition for Peace Through Strength. Like so many elements of the Coalition and the American Security Council, it is networked into the World Anti-Communist League (WACL). The masthead of the UCCA's lists several representatives from Taiwan and Korea, both major funders of WACL. [F-268] Wherever the OUN-B has political involvement, the UCCA seems to be its representative. In the U.S. Council for World Freedom, chaired by Singlaub, the OUN-B is represented by Secretary-General Walter Chopiwskyj (who has also organized the Republican Heritage Groups Council in Arizona and is president of the national Captive Nations Committee). [f-269] The only public indication of the OUN-B presence in the UCCA is in the U.S. Council for World Freedom's political arm, the Coalition for World Freedom, of which the UCCA is a member. [f-270] The Council is the U.S. branch of the World Anti-Communist League, in which the Stetskos play a major role. [f-271] The UCCA has also played a leading role in opposing federal investigations of suspected Nazi war criminals since those queries got underway in the late 1970's. [f-272] Some UCCA members have many reasons to worry--reasons which began in the 1930's. Even before Hitler came to power, the German Nazi Party was seeking and working with like-minded political groups around the world. By the time the Nazis came to power, the OUN was one group that received money and training from Germany. [f-273] The OUN-B was not only an instrument to aid Hitler's war aims against the Soviet Union, but also to serve his intelligence agencies in the United States. There are Ukrainian communities within most large urban population centers in the United States. In the 1930's, German military intelligence worked with the OUN as it established and financed a variety of front organizations to provide cover for propaganda and espionage activities in the United States. In each city with a Ukrainian community, the OUN established cells. The great majority of Ukrainian-Americans had no idea of the OUN agenda. Newspapers and organizations were taken over--one such newspaper even printed instructions on how to make a homemade bomb. According to , a 1942 book on Axis spy and sabotage operations in the U.S., the OUN was "set up under the supervision of the Intelligence Department of the German War Office." Other authors argue that the OUN was not controlled by >German Intelligence to this extent, although OUN's military and financial links to the Nazis are not in dispute. One U.S. Army captain who got involved in stealing military secrets for the OUN lost his commission. [F-274] By far the greatest crimes of the Ukrainian nationalists were against other Ukrainians. The OUN-B internalized the ideology of their Nazi mentors, which included viewing the world in terms of racial nationalism. "Nationalism is based on feelings, which are carried by the racial blood," was the way one OUN-B publication explained their views on the subject. [f-275] In John Armstrong's , OUN-B's views are described as having "tended to drive the movement still further in the direction of deification of the mystic concept of the nation, even to the point of racism." [f-276] For those judged not to be pure Ukrainians, this meant trouble. That trouble rolled in on the treads of German tanks in the Ukraine in June, 1941. Stetsko and German-commanded OUN-B militia arrived in the city of Lwow (Lvov) with them. [f-277] Stetsko declared a short-lived Ukrainian government, with himself as premier, pledged to fight as an ally for Hitler's "New Order." In , Lucy Dawidowicz writes that "In Lwow, the Germans and Ukrainians, in house to house hunts for Jews, shot them randomly on the spot." [F-278] She noted that later "the Ukrainians staged massive pogroms, slaughtering thousands and carrying off other thousands of Jews to [the German] headquarters." [f-279] A concentration camp was also built in Lwow. An estimated 900,000 Jews disappeared from the Ukraine during the German occupation. [f-280] Heavy persecution of Poles also took place in this region, mirroring the German policy in Poland. Militias and military units led by the OUN-B were involved with these crimes. [f-281] Although Stetsko was under an "honorary arrest" by the Germans because the creation of the Stetsko regime hadn't been cleared by Berlin, he was still active in OUN-B affairs and was even allowed to travel. [f-282] Ever the Nazi ally, Stetsko was released from his arrest near the end of the war to help organize resistance to the Soviet offensive that was rolling the German army back. The headlong retreat of the Germans began after their defeat at Stalingrad at the end of 1942. In 1943, the Germans inspired their collaborators from the Ukraine, Bulgaria, Byelorussia and the Baltic countries to form a Committee of Subjugated Nations to coordinate resistance activity against the Soviet army. [f-283] The Ukrainian Congress Committee of America chooses to ignore the Ukrainian collaboration with the extermination of Poles and Jews. A 1984 article in their praised Pavlo Shandruk, who was the Ukrainian General (under the Division's Commander-in-Chief German General Fritz Freytag) of the 14th Waffen SS Galician Division during the final days of the war. The Galician division was renamed the First Ukrainian Division of the Ukrainian National Army in April, 1945--two weeks before the German surrender. The Division remained under complete German military control during WWII. [F-284] The Veterans of the First Ukrainian Division is a group member of the UCCA. [f-285] When the Stetskos visited the White House on July 19, 1983, Reagan told them that "Your struggle is our struggle. Your dream is our dream." [f-286] The Stetskos' dream, however, does not represent an alteration of their wartime goals. Slava Stetsko, for instance, wrote a forward to a book, , which offered a glossary of definitions of political terms: "Anti-Semitism: A smear word used by Communists against those who effectively oppose and expose them." "Fascist: An anti-Communist." "Nazi or Hitlerite: An active anti-Communist.[f-287]" Slava Stetsko, who is the editor of ABN and OUN-B publications, described the book as "objective, factual" and "highly recommended." [f-288] Further, the OUN-B "dream" includes a racial conception. Although it passes itself off as an anti-communist organization, its primary belief is anti-Russian. [f-289] As an OUN-B member described it: "The problem isn't 70 years of Communism, it's 300 years of Russian imperialism." [f-290] Thus, Russian anti-communists are also seen as the enemy. Russians are not allowed to be part of the ABN, Captive Nations Committee, or World Anti-Communist League. says that "the Russian character" is to blame "for this overwhelming Russian desire for power, for expansion, for dictatorship." [f-291] Nicolas Nazarenko, the Cossack Republican organizer says, "Russian communists and anti-communists are all the same to me."[f-292] The Ukrainian nationalists see a Ukrainian state under their control as having "ethnographic borders," as was originally proclaimed by a OUN-B Manifesto in December, 1940. [f-293] Put more simply, the OUN-B sees Ukrainians as a separate, classifiable race that have a right, when in power, to exclude others from the Ukraine's borders. The realities of that formulation were made bloodchillingly clear to the Poles and Jews in the region when the OUN-B had temporary power six months after the Manifesto was issued. ALLIES AND ALLEGIANCES - The Anti-Bolshevik Bloc of Nations, the White House, and the ASC - The Anti-Bolshevik Bloc of Nations (ABN), which took its current name in 1946, claims direct descent from the Committee of Subjugated Nations, which was formed in 1943 by Hitler's allies, including the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN) and the Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UPA). Nonetheless, while the name changed, the membership remained the same. The dominant leadership of the ABN came from the leadership of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists-Bandera (OUN-B). The ABN brought together fascist forces from Hungary, Bulgaria, Romania, the Ukraine, the Baltic states, Slovakia and other nations. Today ABN unites fascist emigre organizations from Eastern and Central Europe under one umbrella. It serves as a common milieu in which many Coalition for Peace Through Strength members associate and network. It is also the Eastern European branch of the World Anti-Communist League. A booklet published in 1960 by the ABN acknowledged its members' alliance with Hitler: "That many of us fought on the German side against Russian imperialism and Bolshevism, was in our national interest. . .the fact that some of us fought on the German side against Russia can be justified from the national, political and moral point of view." [f-294] The ABN in more recent years has maintained the impression that they opposed the Nazis and Soviets simultaneously during World War II. This historically dubious impression is conveyed by the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN) that leads ABN. But other groups that make up the ABN do not bother with an anti-Hitler pretense. Other ABN affiliates include: *** {Slovak World Congress}. A successor organization to the Nazi-allied Tiso regime of Slovakia. The Congress is part of the Republican Heritage Groups Council and the Coalition for Peace Through Strength. *** {Bulgarian National Front}. The exiled successor group to the Hitler-allied Bulgarian Legion. A member of the Coalition for Peace Through Strength and part of the Republican Heritage Groups Council. *** {Supreme Committee for the Liberation of Lithuania}. Its American branch, the Lithuanian-American Council, is a member of the Coalition for Peace Through Strength. The head of the Detroit branch of the Council, Algis Barauskas, who is also a local Republican Heritage Groups Council activist, linked the Lithuanian Republicans to the ABN. He stated in a 1985 interview that the Lithuanian-American Republican National Federation is connected to "the Lithuanian-American Council, then to the Supreme Committee for the Liberation of Lithuania, to the ABN in Germany." *** {World Federation of Free Latvians}. A member organization of the Coalition for Peace Through Strength, the federation has branches in six countries. Its U.S. branch, the American Latvian Association, is active in the campaign against the Justice Department's Office of Special Investigations, discussed in the next section. The book describes the ABN Latvian affiliate as "a band of Latvian leaders who assisted the Nazis in exterminating the Jews of their Baltic homeland." [F-295] *** {Croatian Liberation Movement}. A pro-Ustashi affiliate of the ABN. This group's leadership came from officials of the German-created Croatian Ustashi regime of 1941-44. [f-296] It was this regime that killed an estimated 750,000 Serbians, Gypsies and Jews. The Croatian Liberation Movement, a front for the post-War clandestine Ustashi, has been connected to bombings, hijackings and assassinations in the 1970's. [f-297] *** {Byelorussian Central Council}. The Nazi puppet government in exile. The Council is linked to both the Republican Heritage Groups Council and the Coalition for Peace Through Strength through the Council's American branch, the Byelorussian-American Association. *** {Romanian Liberation Movement}. The Romanian affiliate of ABN and the World Anti-Communist League. Its leader for many years, Horia Sima, was also the head of the Romanian Iron Guard following WWII. Sima could hardly claim to have fought the Nazis and Soviets simultaneously, since he was released by the Germans from house arrest to head a Romanian puppet government-in-exile. It was set up by the Germans in Vienna in 1944, immediately after the Romanian government abandoned the Axis and sued for peace with the Allies. As head of the government, Sima formed Romanian military units which fought on Germany's behalf on the Eastern Front from 1944-45. Sima's government-in-exile was disbanded nine days after Hitler's death. [f-298] The head of foreign affairs for the Romanian organization under Sima is Alexander Ronnett of Chicago, a long time Iron Guard commander, and delegate to WACL meetings for 16 years. His association with the Iron Guard goes back to at least WWII when he lived with Iron Guard members in a German controlled military encampment. [f-299] Consistent with the goals of the World Anti-Communist League and the American Security Council, Ronnett has organized Contra support activities in the Chicago area. Exposed as an Iron Guard Leader by Chicago NBC affiliate WMAQ-TV (see Appendix), Ronnett denounced his accusers, and said proudly that he had received frequent invitations to visit the White House due to his support for and organizing on behalf of the Contras. [f-300] The ABN is the high council for the expatriate nationalist groups that formed the police, military and militia units that worked with Hitler during World War II. Some were organized as mobile killing teams that exterminated villages and sought to murder whole ethnic, racial, and cultural groups. These mobile killing teams are the forerunners of the modern death squad. It is consistent, then, that the Latin American Anti-Communist Confederation (CAL) (for many years the Latin American branch of WACL) has a great affinity for the ABN and its members, according to several ABN members. CAL historically has served as an umbrella group for the regional death squads. [f-301] A meeting of the youth sections of CAL and ABN in 1983 took place in Fedorak's Ukrainian Cultural Center in Warren, Michigan. The resulting 16-point resolution bore statements that might surprise some of their conservative U.S. supporters. Not only were the usual anti-communist sentiments expressed, but also anti-capitalist positions were taken. One point, for instance, called for "rejection of {all materialist {doctrines} (author's emphasis) which defile the human individual by treating people as egotistical, covetous and selfish beings. . . ." [f-302] The resolution called for a "faith in Revolutionary, liberation nationalism. . ." and "unbending opposition to collectivist slavery, against communist and capitalist alienation of human labor. . . ." [f-303] These formulations mirror the classic outlines of National Socialism, which simultaneously fought the Communist and Western Capitalist powers ideologically and militarily. The Third Way, rejecting East and West, is still a position taken by significant elements of the contemporary neo-Nazi movement. [f-304] The Stetskos were not only leaders of OUN but the multi-ethnic ABN as well. The July-August, 1983 ABN bulletin carries several cover photos which show the Stetskos and other ABN leaders as White House guests in July 1983, personally meeting with Reagan, George Bush and Jeane Kirkpatrick. After the Stetskos visited the White House, Yaroslav Stetsko's wife Slava Stetsko, who lives in Munich, West Germany, called on the ABN to support Reagan's re-election. She carried that message to ABN chapters during 1984 as well. [f-305] The Reagan campaign cooperated with ABN, including scheduling an appearance by Michael Sotirhos, head of Ethnic Voters for Reagan-Bush Campaign 1984 as well as the Republican Heritage Groups Council, at the 1984 ABN conference in New York City. [f-306] The goal of the ABN is to pressure the U.S. government toward a "liberation" policy aimed against the USSR, with ABN leaders as the liberators. Although ABN members say they only need technical assistance from the West, they want the U.S. military to put them in power in Eastern Europe and the USSR. This is the formula they tried under German Nazi sponsorship. Their manipulations of the American political system are toward that end. The emigres of the ABN still dream of one more chance to create a new order in Europe. They even got Michigan Republican Congressman Paul Henry to enter a statement into the in July, 1986 commending the "independence" of the Ukraine under Stetsko in 1941. According to Henry, "a representative assembly of the most prominent Ukrainian leaders from all walks of life issued a Proclamation of the Restoration of Ukrainia's Independence. . ..The proclamation received enthusiastic support of the Ukrainian people." Henry referred to the "freedom fighters" of the "Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN), led by Stepan Bandera." When questioned about his praise for a document which included the line "Glory to the Heroic German Army and its Fuhrer, Adolph Hitler," a spokesperson for Henry said he'd "not been aware of the fine print. . . ." [f-307] On July 20, 1988, George Bush reaffirmed the ties between the Republican Party and the ABN by making a campaign stop at Fedorak's Ukrainian Cultural Center in Warren, Michigan. Bush delivered a hard-line foreign policy speech to those attending the annual Captive Nations banquet sponsored jointly by the Captive Nations Committee and the ABN. Sharing the dais with Fedorak and Bush was Katherine Chumachenko, formerly the director of the UCCA's Captive Nations Committee and currently the Deputy Director for Public Liaison at the White House. Ignatius M. Billinsky, President of UCCA, had already been named named Honorary Chair of Ukrainians for Bush, and Bohdan Fedorak named National vice-chair of Ukrainians for Bush. Also on the dais at the Ukrainian Cultural Center Bush speech was Dr. Joseph Sazyc, who has led the Byelorussian- American Veterans Association for twenty years. While the group's name suggests its members were veterans of U.S. military service, the group includes Nazi collaborators. According to a 1948 U.S. intelligence report, the Byelorussian-American Veterans Association was originally formed in 1947 by Nazi collaborators at a German displaced persons camp. The leader of the group was former SS Major General Franz Kushel, described in the first section of this report. [f-308] ALLIES AND ALLEGIANCES - The Campaign Against OSI - At the July, 1988 Captive Nations banquet in Michigan, Vice President Bush was introduced by Bohdan Fedorak [see photo], whose brief comments included a strong denunciation of the U.S. Justice Department's Office of Special Investigations (OSI). Bush nodded his agreement and applauded the comment. There is perhaps no current issue which sets the emigre fascist network apart from mainstream American society more than the campaign against the Office of Special Investigations. The OSI was established by a 1978 act of Congress to discover and deport Nazi war criminals who entered the U.S. after World War II. Almost immediately the (published by the Ukrainian Congress Committee of America) denounced OSI, as did the quasi-Nazi Liberty Lobby and the neo-fascist Lyndon LaRouche organization. Soon the Lithuanian-American Council, the American Lithuanian Community and the Joint Baltic American National Committee--all members of the ASC's Coalition for Peace Through Strength--joined in the anti-OSI campaign. Other Coalition for Peace Through Strength groups that actively opposed the OSI pursuit of Nazi collaborators were the Byelorussian-American Association, Congress of Russian-Americans and the World Federation for a Free Latvia. [f-309] While some organizations claimed they only opposed the methods employed by OSI, others called for its abolition. The specific method used by OSI which drew the sharpest criticism concerned the use of evidence from Soviet citizens, archives and prosecutors. Even though such evidence is independently scrutinized and tested by the U.S. government and must meet U.S. rules of evidence in court, the anti-OSI groups call it "KGB evidence" without offering any proof of their own to back up that assertion. All of the above groups claim there is an "OSI/KGB partnership." [f-310] None of the groups has supported the legal proceedings against even one suspected war criminal, even when the accused has publicly confessed his crimes. The charges of KGB plots, according to the Anti-Defamation League of B'nai B'rith, appear to be a "propaganda smokescreen that seeks to exploit anti-communism," in an attempt to stop the OSI investigations and legal proceedings. [f-311] Right-wing groups such as Accuracy in Media and individuals such as former Reagan advisor Patrick Buchanan and writer Joseph Sobran have joined in the anti-OSI campaign. A New Hampshire organization, the American Freedom Company, which publishes a periodical called , began anti-OSI activity as early as 1982. [F-312] The group is a member organization of the Coalition for World Freedom, the political arm of Singlaub's U.S. Council for World Freedom. [f-313] The emigre fascists have employed a variety of methods to protect those charged with war crimes and to stop the OSI investigations. These methods include lobbying Congress and the White House, urging their respective ethnic communities not to cooperate with government investigators, and in some cases, employing increasingly anti-Semitic propaganda and historical revisionism which denies the facts of the Nazi Holocaust. The Lithuanian-American Council (LAC) is an example of a group that practices the latter technique. In 1979 the Council published a book that blamed the Germans and the Jews but not the Lithuanians (other than a few "irresponsible Lithuanians with criminal inclinations") for the annihilation of Lithuanian Jews. [f-314] A 1986 book distributed by the LAC suggests that Jews brought persecution on themselves, [f-315] while another LAC-distributed book (available by mail order from LAC or from the literature rack at their offices in Chicago) praises pre-Christian, pagan Lithuania. [f-316] The 1975 book, by Charles Pichel (see Order of St. John in Part 2) says that "Christianity has failed her [Lithuania] miserably and as a result, many Samogitians [Lithuanians] have turned to ancient, pagan prophecies as a guide and hope for their future." [f-317] Why the Lithuanian-American Council promotes a brand of paganism used as the basis for the racialist beliefs of Nordic chauvinists ranging from Nazi Heinrich Himmler to racialist Roger Pearson is in itself unclear, but then the Lithuanian-American Council has never acknowledged--much less condemned--the brutal Lithuanian Greywolves organization and Lithuanian police units that actively pursued the German Nazi policy of exterminating Jews, Russians and political opponents of the German military occupation in that region. While these emigre organizations concern themselves with issues other than OSI, several groups have been formed for the specific purpose of stopping OSI's investigation and deportation of war criminals. One of these groups, the Coalition for Constitutional Justice and Security (CCJS), is a member of the Coalition for Peace Through Strength. It has called for a suspension of OSI activities and the "initiation of public inquiries into possible links between OSI, FBI, KGB, extremeist [sic] groups." [f-318] CCJS is led by Anthony and Danute Mazeika, who helped arrange the 1986 Republican Heritage Groups Council Annual Convention in Los Angeles. The CCJS has also claimed that recent bombings which targeted two accused war criminals living in the U.S. were "a direct result of the Justice Department's lack of control of the Office of Special Investigations' method of operation. . . ." [f-319] Intense emotions and rhetoric have accompanied the anti-OSI efforts. The World Jewish Congress has charged that the motivating factor behind such activity is "the fear that the Justice Department's prosecutors are exposing the American public to the historical facts that Hitler's annihilation of six million Jews was carried out not by the Germans alone, but rather with the extensive collaboration of Lithuanians, Latvians, Ukrainians, Estonians, and other Europeans." [f-320] Various fascist emigre elements have, over the years, attempted to present themselves as advocates of human rights and champions of persecuted minorities. Being identified with Nazi campaigns of murder does not lend credibility to their assertions when they make their public presentations in forums ranging from the Helsinki Human Rights Review to local U.S. rallies endorsed by Congressional representatives and the President of the United States. Given the claimed patriotic purpose of the American Security Council, it makes little sense why the Coalition for Constitutional Justice and Security is a member of the ASC's Coalition for Peace Through Strength--especially since the primary purpose of the group is to shield accused Nazi war criminals from prosecution. One can also ask why the Republican National Committee remains indifferent when one of its components, the Republican Heritage Groups Council, opposes OSI. - Support for South Africa and Apartheid - When Jonas Savimbi, the head of the Union for the Total Independence of Angola (UNITA), met with President Reagan and Administration officials in a high profile, whirlwind tour of the Capital in January, 1986, it represented the success of a ten-year American Security Council effort to get recognition and funding for UNITA. Savimbi's Washington visit was hosted and coordinated by the American Security Council. [f-321] UNITA is a South African-allied military force attempting to take over the government of Angola. The government of Angola, which is unfriendly to the apartheid regime in South Africa, came to power in 1975, despite a major CIA effort that supported UNITA. [f-322] Since then, a virtual South African lobby has sprung up in American right-wing circles demanding a defense of the apartheid regime. "We first invited Savimbi to come to the U.S. in 1975," says ASC president John Fisher. "We paid for a plane to bring him here with a dozen staff from Africa. We set them up in a hotel for 10 days. We set up Congressional meetings." [f-323] Congress at the time was preparing to cut off aid to UNITA. The Clark Amendment was finally passed, which barred further aid to UNITA. The ASC began what it called a decade-long "educational campaign" to have the amendment repealed. In 1981, Savimbi again was an ASC guest at its Virginia estate, and meetings with "the Secretary of State [Alexander Haig] and numerous Congressional leaders" were arranged, according to an ASC newsletter. [f-324] With the repeal of the Clark amendment in 1985, ASC hosted a celebration with members of Congress and UNITA's Jeremias Chitunda, who said that "John Fisher has always been standing by us. . . ." [f-325] The effort to aid UNITA was so crucial to the ASC that they gave their 1986 "Distinguished Service Award" to Senator Bob Dole for his behind-the-scenes work on behalf of UNITA. Dole is now attempting to do the same for another South Africa-backed operation against Mozambique called RENAMO. [f-326] RENAMO has ties to the World Anti-Communist League (WACL) and its representatives spoke at the WACL 1984 and 1985 conferences. The ASC has worked with South Africa itself, and not just its proxies. In 1979 an ASC "fact-finding mission" visited South Africa, then-white supremacist Rhodesia, and South Africa-occupied Namibia. [f-327] The trip was funded and coordinated by the Southern African Freedom Foundation, which had been exposed the year before as a project secretly funded by the South African government. [f-328] Press coverage at the time identified Ray Ackerman, a Capetown businessman, as an architect of the SAFF. [f-329] The ASC praised Ackerman with "a special debt of thanks," for helping to raise the "funds needed for the project." Ian Smith, head of the white minority Rhodesian regime, had been a guest at the ASC estate near Boston, Virginia just months earlier. [f-330] Two months after the Reagan Administration came to power, the ASC hosted and coordinated the visit of five military intelligence officials from South Africa to the U.S., including the head of military intelligence. The Council arranged for them to meet with staff at the Pentagon's Defense Intelligence Agency and the National Security Council. [f-331] Through Roger Pearson associate and Jesse Helms staffer Jim Lucier, meetings were arranged on Capitol Hill. [f-332] A meeting was also arranged with then-Ambassador to the United Nations Jeane Kirkpatrick. [f-333] Because South African military officials were supposed to be banned from U.S. visits, the intelligence officials were hurried out of the U.S. after six days of activity, including a two-day briefing for the ASC on Southern Africa. [f-334] Several days after the visit, then-Secretary of State Al Haig called for the repeal of the Clark Amendment. [f-335] Several member organizations of the Coalition for Peace Through Strength are also close to South Africa's apartheid regime. In 1983, for instance, Jack Abramoff went to South Africa as chairman of the College Republican National Committee to begin an ongoing relationship with the extreme right National Student Federation (NSF). The NSF noted this as a "grand alliance of conservative students. . .an alliance that would represent the swing to the right amongst the youth in America and Western Europe." [f-336] After an exchange of trips between College Republicans and South African student rightists, the College Republican National Council passed a resolution condemning "deliberate planted propaganda by the KGB," and "Soviet proxy forces" in Southern Africa, without mentioning apartheid or racism. [f-337] The National Student Federation, which says that 72% of its funding comes from corporations, resolved out of these meetings "To inspire, focus and unite the national will. . .to achieve. . .`Peace Through Strength'." [f-338] Another Coalition for Peace Through Strength member, the Conservative Caucus (which is also part of the World Anti-Communist League), works directly with South African government officials. Caucus Chair Howard Phillips cosponsors trips to South Africa (at a $4,000 fee) which offer "confidential intelligence and financial briefings" and meetings "with the very highest officials of government, business, banking and the military in South Africa." Also promised are "military intelligence briefings." Ads for such trips are placed in John Birch Society publications. [f-339] The Conservative Caucus lobbies vigorously for UNITA and attempted to initiate a corporate campaign against Gulf Oil/Chevron for buying Angolan oil. [f-340] Phillips and Abramoff have both supported campaigns calling for the dismissal of Chester Crocker and George Shultz from the State Department because they are seen as insufficiently supportive of South Africa. [f-341] The "Dump Schultz" campaign grew out of a meeting of the Council for National Policy, [f-342] a secret membership group that has included Phillips, Abramoff, then-National Security Council officials Oliver North and John Lenczowski, WACL chair John Singlaub, and many others with ASC interlocks. [f-343] CNP's secret quarterly meetings bring together right-wing funders (such as Joseph Coors) and foreign policy activists. [f-344] The June 1987 speaker was Richard Secord. [f-345] Secord was a major player in the Iran Contra-gate arms for hostages private network. Because the ASC and WACL have a shared history, leadership and political outlook, it seems appropriate to note one other South African connection to American rightists. Although it doesn't show up on the list of delegates at WACL conferences, WACL has a South African chapter. It has been headed for years by Ivor Benson, [f-346] who has also been the South African correspondent to [F-347] the notoriously anti-Semitic newspaper published by the quasi-Nazi Liberty Lobby. Benson wrote a speech for the 1986 meeting of the Institute for Historical Review, [f-348] an organization devoted to proving the Nazi Holocaust against Jews and others was a hoax. The Institute is the brainchild of Willis Carto, who also runs Liberty Lobby and . Benson was unable due to illness to attend the 1986 IHR conference, but his speech was delivered by a colleague (at the same IHR event attended by Dr. Ronnett). Benson's speech implied that South Africa's troubles were due to a Jewish conspiracy. [F-349] Like other friends of Liberty Lobby who are also members of WACL, Benson stays out of sight so as to not embarrass other African delegates. He has, however, addressed at least one meeting of North American WACL chaired by Gen. Singlaub. South Africa's main interest in WACL is to garner support for UNITA and RENAMO. Benson's direct and publicized presence could only hurt this effort at coalition- building, so he stays in the shadows. Path: oneb!cs.ubc.ca!destroyer!caen!uunet!olivea!sgigate!sgi!cdp!cberlet ALLIES AND ALLEGIANCES - Central America, Death Squads and the ASC - Much of Central America has been plagued by poverty, corruption and U.S.-backed dictatorships for most of this century.[f-350] In Nicaragua, the Somoza family had ruled from 1933 to 1979. In the 1970's, a form of "crony capitalism" similar to that of former Philippines dictator Ferdinand Marcos also dominated the politics and economy of Nicaragua. Few prospered without the blessing of Anastasio Somoza. A small corrupt circle of wealthy landowners and National Guard leaders ruthlessly maintained their hold over Nicaragua. When the Somoza regime in Nicaragua collapsed and the Sandinista coalition came to power on July 19, 1979, the American Security Council was quick to respond. "The Marxist Threat to Central America" was the headline and sole topic of its newsletter, , August, 1979. It immediately formed a Task Force on Central America. "The goal of that Task Force is to be an energizing element within the Congress and within the two political parties that would seek to force the [Carter] Administration to correct its policies toward Central America." By which they meant, get rid of the Sandinistas. The ASC Task Force on Central America included a handful of retired generals, including John Singlaub, Daniel O. Graham, Richard Stillwell, Gordon Sumner, William P. Yarborough and Alexander Haig. Congressional members included Larry McDonald (D-GA), George Hansen (R-ID), John Murphy (D-NY), Bob Stump (R-AR), and Charles Wilson (D-TX). Retired Admiral Thomas Moorer, also of the Task Force, saw threats "all the way from Mexico down to the Cape of South America." [f-351] The ASC sought to make a popular issue out of Nicaragua for the 1980 elections, just as the Panama Canal issue had aided the Right for the previous four years. The film "Attack on the Americas" was produced in 1980, the first of three ASC films on Central America. It depicted all revolution as the result of KGB machinations rather than as responses to conditions in Central America itself. Even Florida was judged to be threatened. As the Task Force name implied, the ASC was interested in all of Central America, not just Nicaragua. In 1979, a delegation of ASC leaders went to Guatemala and met with rightists connected to the death squads there. The delegation, led by Graham and Singlaub, told the ruling Guatemala military that they would urge Reagan to resume aid to the military dictatorship, which Carter had terminated because of the military's death squad activity. An estimated 100,000 deaths resulted from the brutal pacification programs in rural Guatemala in the late 1970's and early '80's. After the ASC delegation briefed him, one Guatemalan official was quoted as saying he felt the message was clear, "Mr. Reagan recognizes that a good deal of dirty work has to be done." Within days of the ASC visit, there was a dramatic increase in death squad activity. [f-352] Latin America has death squads, active or dormant, from Mexico to Argentina. Most, if not all, are linked to military intelligence and police or national guard units. [f-353] They also have above-ground political organizations complementing their covert activity. These political organizations publicly advocate the most extreme measures against dissent within their respective countries. [f-354] The ties between the legal political organizations, death squads, the American Security Council and World Anti-Communist League can be found in several countries including El Salvador, Guatemala, and Argentina. Such was the case with the Argentine Anti-Communist Alliance (AAA) in the 1970's. It was an organization of right-wing murder, terror, and propaganda whose activity was coordinated with the military regime. [f-355] It was also the Argentine branch of the World Anti-Communist League.[f-356] Roberto D'Aubuisson, closely identified with the death squads of El Salvador, is affiliated with the ARENA party and he serves as that country's representative to WACL. During a 1981 trip to Washington, D.C., Roberto D'Aubuisson was an honored guest at an ASC conference, although D'Aubuisson had already been linked to El Salvadoran death squad activities, including the 1980 murder of Archbishop Oscar Romero. The purpose of the D'Aubuisson visit was to enhance his support in Congress. [f-357] The ASC also conducted an interview with D'Aubuisson in June of 1984 for its radio program that is broadcast into Latin America, and for the ASC newsletter. [f-358] A photo of ASC leader Samuel Dickens and D'Aubuisson still hangs on the ASC conference room wall. Dickens is a retired colonel who held various intelligence posts and headed the Air Force Directorate of Plans for the Western Hemisphere. In early 1987 the ASC also organized a Washington reception for Alfredo Christiani, D'Aubuisson's successor as head of the extreme right ARENA party. Over 150 attended the reception, according to the ASC. [f-359] As an ASC and World Anti-Communist League organizer, Singlaub also worked with D'Aubuisson. One mercenary magazine photo shows Singlaub and D'Aubuisson studying a military map in El Salvador. [f-360] Under Somoza in Nicaragua, the National Guard was the base of WACL. In Guatemala, Mario Sandoval Alarcon is the leader of the National Liberation Movement, a political party, as well as the leader of the death squads in that country. [f-361] He is also the Guatemalan representative to WACL. An official spokesman of the National Liberation Movement (MLN) glorified the violence of his movement in terms strikingly similar to those used by Mussolini: "I admit that the MLN is the party of organized violence. Organized violence is vigor, just as organized color is scenery and organized sound is harmony. There is nothing wrong with organized violence; it is vigor, and the MLN is a vigorous movement. [f-362]" The ASC view of death squads was probably best expressed by Neil Livingstone, whose Institute on Terrorism and Subnational Conflict works out of the ASC offices. Often perceived as an opponent of terrorism, Livingstone wrote in , Winter 1983-84, that "the problem of human rights is genuinely bad in Guatemala and El Salvador. We should not wring our hands, however, over this problem." After giving a misleading explanation of the origins of death squads, Livingstone advocates their use because "they have helped more governments remain in power than they have harmed." He offers Argentina as an example. >Argentina is one country where the death squads embraced the swastika. Livingstone, who also serves on the ASC Foundation's Strategy Board, wrote in , (a monthly publication under the control of Rev. Sun Myung Moon), that "methods are needed that involve targeting individual terrorists and their leadership for assassination." [F-363] A box accompanying the article identifies such groups as the African National Congress and the ruling party of Zimbabwe as "terrorist." [f-364] Livingstone works with other Reagan Administration luminaries through his role with , whose editorial board includes Jeane Kirkpatrick and her husband Evron; as well as pro-Contra activists Penn Kemble and Joshua Muravchic. Livingstone's Institute also employed Robert Owen, Oliver North's courier in secret Contra-support operations. Owen, a former staffer of then-Senator Dan Quayle, met with a key Contra organizer of the southern front against Nicaragua, John Hull, in Quayle's office. According to the , "After a long talk about conditions in Central America, Mr. Owen escorted Hull to the White House, where he met Col. [Oliver] North. In August, 1983, Mr. Owen testified that he made his first trip to Central America, traveling to Costa Rica on a round-trip ticket provided by Mr. Hull." [F-365] North discussed the secret operation with Livingstone. [f-366] According to the , Livingstone's Institute received at least $75,000 from International Business Communications (IBC). IBC was part of the Oliver North network which funded various pro-Contra operations while working closely with Carl "Spitz" Channel's National Endowment for the Preservation of Liberty>. [F-367] The ASC's Director for Inter-American Affairs is Samuel Dickens. An associate of contra military commander Enrique Bermudez when they were on the Inter-American Defense Board in 1976, Dickens says that in 1981, "I took him to meet people at the State Department and Defense Department, saying this is a man, these are the efforts that should be supported." [f-368] Dickens traveled in Honduras in 1981 "on the border of Nicaragua. . .meeting and really reviewing some of his forces." He adds that "the ASC is one of a number of organizations that put [Congressional funding for the contras] really high on the priority list of things to accomplish." Connected into the Latin American extreme right, Dickens believes in a hardline military policy toward the civil war in El Salvador. In 1985, he wrote an article for that attacked El Salvadoran President Napoleon Duarte's gestures toward negotiations with the FDR opposition. Dickens claimed that "Many people in El Salvador consider the word `negotiations' to be a `bad word,' and with complete justification." He called advocates of negotiations "dreamers." [F-369] In 1985, in another article in , Dickens praised the founder of El Salvador's death squads as "the patriotic General Medrano," and called Medrano's critics "fools." [F-370] is the magazine of the Tecos, a Mexican neo-Nazi group noted for bizarre anti-Semitism and for its longtime leadership of the Latin American affiliate of the World Anti-Communist League--an affiliate which served as the political umbrella of Latin America's death squads. [F-371] The same murderous policies pursued by the Romanian Iron Guard when it collaborated with Hitler are praised as appropriate and necessary by current ideologues in Latin America. The Iron Guard, for instance, appears to be allied with the Pinochet regime in Chile. Pinochet has personally met with Iron Guard leaders, and several Guardists proudly display photographs of themselves individually posing with Pinochet and his wife. In turn, Iron Guard propaganda, such as Alexander Ronnett's publication, , praises Chile, speaks of the "years of progress" under Pinochet, and expresses its hope "that other >nationalist governments will follow the example of President Pinochet." Pinochet is secretly funding WACL according to Ronnett. [F-372] That the Pinochet regime would ally itself with pro-Nazi elements was evident as early as 1974, when Chile's new ambassador to the United States met with Austin App and others to discuss improving Chile's image in the U.S. press. [f-373] In the introduction, by Dr. Dimitrie Gazdaru, to the English language translation of , by Iron Guard founder Codreanu, the policies of the Iron Guard are seen as having current application in Latin America: ". . .level-headed youth in several parts of the convulsed globe are now being guided more and more by the doctrine of the movement ideated by Codreanu. The most telling demonstration of this is the recent recognition of it by healthy-minded youth in Chile, whose spokesman, an eminent university professor, clearly declares that the anti-communist victory there has initiated posthumous victories for Corneliu Codreanu.[f-374]" The ideological training of many of the Latin American death squad members emphasizes the brutal tactics and theories of Mussolini and Hitler. Sometimes the connection is quite direct. For instance, after WWII, Third Reich collaborator Klaus Barbie actually continued to ply his gruesome trade in Bolivia as an advisor to the government-sanctioned death squads and a supporter of a 1980 pro-Nazi coup. [f-375] Some death squad members have openly sported swastikas. These are the groups Singlaub, WACL and the ASC work with internationally. The words may change from Counter-insurgency to Special Operations to Low-Intensity Conflict, but these are merely deceptive terms for what history calls war. As an advisor to the Contras, the Pentagon, Oliver North and others, Singlaub provides advice based on his own experience, including Operation Phoenix, a covert operation which employed cross-border raids, terrorism and assassination against Vietnamese civilians. [f-376] Now applying those lessons to aid the Contras, Singlaub declared on the Phil Donahue show that "my life has been dedicated to... low-intensity warfare." [f-377]
Home ·
Site Map ·
What's New? ·
Search
Nizkor
© The Nizkor Project, 1991-2012
This site is intended for educational purposes to teach about the Holocaust and
to combat hatred.
Any statements or excerpts found on this site are for educational purposes only.
As part of these educational purposes, Nizkor may
include on this website materials, such as excerpts from the writings of racists and antisemites. Far from approving these writings, Nizkor condemns them and
provides them so that its readers can learn the nature and extent of hate and antisemitic discourse. Nizkor urges the readers of these pages to condemn racist
and hate speech in all of its forms and manifestations.