The Nizkor Project: Remembering the Holocaust (Shoah)

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Last-Modified: 1994/10/29

Article 28992 of soc.culture.german:
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From: wmmichael@aol.com (Wm Michael)
Newsgroups: soc.culture.german
Subject: Re: Bombing Germany was a War Crime!
Date: 23 Apr 1994 10:30:03 -0400
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In article , Peter Skaliks  writes:

>>Britain and France were not quite the innocent 
lambs in this story that they like to paint themselves. They wanted a war 
with Germany as early as possible, while they still had a military edge, 
whereas Hitler wanted a war with them _later_, after the German 
rearmament program was completed. This would not have happened before 
1944. <<

Not correct. Hitler never wanted war with the West.  Read Mein Kampf, look at
the diplomatic initiatives, etc.  Hitler never wanted war with England and
France - he regarded these as fratricidal and counterproductive - he was also a
warrior from WWI and was quite aware of the horrendous losses in men due to
that war.  Read David Irving's "Hitlers War" and "Churchhill's War", and David
Hoggan's "The Forced War" and you will understand what really happened and why.

Here is some info from The Forced War

	The Pope had launched a major peace effort in May 1939, and he had
rejected with indignation an appeal from the Archbishop of Canterbury to earn
the alleged gratitude of the Anglican, Protestant, and Greek Orthodox
Christians by condemning the policies of Hitler. Instead, the Pope
ostentatiously welcomed the victory of General Franco in Spain in May 1939. The
Pope recognized as early as May 1939 that Poland was the primary threat to
peace, because the British could not attack Germany unless the Poles were
willing to serve as a pawn. Beck at that time flatly rejected the tentative
proposal of the Pope for an international conference by declaring that Poland
could not accept as binding for her the opinion of other powers regarding the
question which had arisen between Poland and Germany.
	The Pope persuaded Admiral Nicholas Horthy, the Protestant Regent of
Hungary, to deliver a speech on June 14, 1939, urging that the Powers accept
papal good offices in settling the German-Polish dispute. This maneuver was
aimed primarily at Poland, because of the intimate relations between Poland and
Hungary. Pius XII appealed to the world on August 23, 1939, not to go to war
over Danzig. He requested the envoys of Great Britain, France, Italy, Poland
and Germany to appear for an audience at the Vatican Palace on August 31, 1939.
Dr. Kazimierz Papee, the Polish envoy at the Vatican, was unable to assure the
Pope that Poland would negotiate with Germany. The Pope had feared that this
would be the case. He responded by instructing Cortesi in Warsaw to urge Beck
to accept negotiations with the Germans on the basis of the Marienwerder
proposals, with which the Pope already was familiar. A furious scene followed
between Beck and Cortesi, which surpassed the verbal duel between Ribbentrop
and Henderson on the previous night. Beck angrily charged that the papal nuncio
was working for the Germans. He complained that Pope Pius XII was ordering him
to surrender to Germany. Cortesi was unable to calm the excited Polish
diplomat. Beck later recalled that no single development during the final phase
of the crisis caused him so much irritation as the persistent but unsuccessful
effort of Pope Pius XII to persuade him to negotiate with the Germans and to
accept the Marienwerder proposals. It was supremely tragic that there was
a	complete absence of similar activity from the British Side. One need
only imagine the situation had Henderson been at Warsaw with the support and
confidence of Chamberlain. (Hoggan, The Forced War, pp. 562-63
	The German Foreign Office learned the same day that official Polish
policy was not encouraging for any Danzig compromise plan. August Papee, the
Polish representative to the Vatican, gave a negative reply to the suggestion
of Cardinal Secretary of State Luigi Maglione on August 16th that Poland
contribute to the preservation of peace by permitting Germany to recover
Danzig. Papee replied that Poland would invade Germany with out without British
and French support if Hitler attempted to secure the return of the Danzig to
the Reich. (ibid., p. 452)



Article 28995 of soc.culture.german:
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From: wmmichael@aol.com (Wm Michael)
Newsgroups: soc.culture.german
Subject: Re: Abortion in Germany
Date: 23 Apr 1994 10:41:03 -0400
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In article <2oc6a2$jgu@nz12.rz.uni-karlsruhe.de>, hi61@rz.uni-karlsruhe.de
(Thomas Deck) writes:

In response I submit the following, as quoted in The Beleaguered City: The War
Against Catholics:

ABORTION
	It is typically stated, even in Catholic publications, that abortion
was promoted by the Nazi Party. However, it was rather in the Germany of the
Jewish Weimar Republic (1919-1933), and in Marxist states, that abortion on
demand was promoted.
	As early as 1931 the Nazis introduced into parliament legislation
requiring that anyone who attempts to curb artificially the natural fertility
of the German People be punished by imprisonment for racial treason Soon
after 1933 Nazi officials reaffirmed their opposition to any form of voluntary
legalized abortion. Nazi laws allowed abortion only in cases in which the
mother's life was at risk; Nazi physicians generally advised marriage as the
solution to pregnancy out of wedlock. (Nazi medical philosophy differed from
that of socialist or communist physicians in this regard. For these latter
groups, abortion was considered a fundamental right of all women) Abortion was
in fact a common method of birth control in Eastern Europe in the early 1930s.
In a survey of Czechoslovakian workers, Hugo Hecht of Prague reported in 1933
that three-fifths of all women of this class had had abortions * some as many
as twenty-two times. For the Nazis, however, abortion was a crime against the
body of the German people. In 1933 Gerhard Wagner complained that in
post-World War I Germany, one fetus was aborted for every three or four babies
born alive, representing some 300,000 to 500,000 pregnancies aborted every
year. 
	To reverse this trend, the Nazis enforced strict anti-abortion laws
inherited from the Weimar period, to which were now added stronger and broader
penalties. In 1937 physicians convicted of performing abortions were commonly
sentenced to ten years in prison and ten years loss of civil rights. By the
beginning of the war in 1939, unauthorized abortion had been declared a treason
against the bodily fruit of the German Volk, punishable in some cases by
death. Not surprisingly, the effect of these strictures was to lower
dramatically the number of applications for abortions. In the year prior to the
Nazi seizure of power (1932), 43,912 German women applied for abortion on
medical grounds, 34,698 of these applications were approved. In the five years
between 1935 and 1940, however, there were only 14,333 applications for
abortion in all of Greater Germany [comprised of Germany, Austria, Sudetenland
and the German territories of Poland], and only 9,701 of these were approved.
(Racial Hygiene: Medicine Under The Nazis, Robert N. Proctor, Harvard Univ.
Press, Cambridge, MA, 1988, pp. 121-122)




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