From oneb!nntp.cs.ubc.ca!unixg.ubc.ca!news.mic.ucla.edu!library.ucla.edu!agate!spool.mu.edu!sdd.hp.com!elroy.jpl.nasa.gov!swrinde!cs.utexas.edu!uunet!ccs!covici Mon Oct 4 19:05:31 PDT 1993 - ATTENTION FREE LAROUCHE ATTENTION FREE LAROUCHE - The wider LaRouche's presence, the greater the pressure to get him free. Put LaRouche on radio, with a new interview each week. The transcript below is from a weekly hour-long interview formatted with news breaks and commercials. To get LaRouche on radio, calls from people within stations' listening area can be most effective. Program director and general managers are usually the ones to make decisions about programming. Get interested contacts with businesses or products to advertise on the stations during the EIR Talks With LaRouche hour. This provides greater incentive for the stations to carry the program. Any radio station on the planet can air the weekly interviews with LaRouche. The EIR Press Staff can provide weekly tapes for broadcast. Or stations can pull the program down from satellite, using the coordinates below. The interviews are broadcast Sundays on satellite from 6:06 PM to 7:00 PM Eastern. For More Information: Frank Bell, Press Staff. Galaxy 2, 74 Degrees W Trans 3 74.9 mHz NB, SCPC 3:1 Companding, Flat or Satcom C-1, 137 Degrees W Trans 2 7.5 mHz Wide Band Video Subcarrier The LaRouche files are now available by automatic list service. To get an index of the files, you must subscribe to the LaRouche mailing list. To do this, send a message to listserv@ccs.covici.com with a line (not the subject line) saying subscribe lar-lst After that, to get an index, say index lar-lst {EIR} Talks Interviewer: Mel Klenetsky September 29, 1993 MEL KLENETSKY: Welcome to {Executive Intelligence Review'}s Talks. I'm Mel Klenetsky. We're on the line with Lyndon LaRouche from Rochester, Minnesota. ``Clinton Is Heading Toward a Shipwreck'' Mr. LaRouche, President Clinton has just announced a new foreign and strategic policy to the United Nations. He talks about, basically, the reduction of a threat from the former Soviet Union, that Russia is no longer a strategic power, but is a regional power. He talks about enlarging the democratization process, free markets. In essence, this is an expansion of the Project Democracy efforts that began under Bush. What do you think of this new doctrine? What are its implications for the current strategic global crisis that we're looking at? MR. LAROUCHE: I heard these proposals first from the Les Aspin version of it. Then I picked up on the Anthony Lake exposition. I missed the Albright report directly and I just heard about Clinton's clarification. But this is essentially a continuation of George Bush's policy, or at least the policy of his administration, and overall suggests that Clinton has been drawn into playing the same kind of losing game which George Bush played with Gorbachov. There are many people, not just myself and a few of my friends, but many people--some of them not my friends, shall we say--in high places around the world, who are extremely concerned about, shall we say euphemistically, the extreme naivete of the U.S. administration. It appears to many around the world--and to me--that the United States government presently and the United States intelligence services, to the extent they're visible, are paying no attention to the underlying realities of the ongoing process in the world, but seem persuaded, foolishly, that you can drown two-thirds of the world in bloody, Dark Age conflict and live in the other one-third of the world in peaceful serenity, concentrating on things like master projects in health plans, paying no attention to the monstrous storms which are building up around the world, which will hit the United States very soon. So we are very concerned. I think I'm speaking not only for myself but others, that the Clinton administration is presently a ship headed for the rocks--because of its apparent deal with the Bush people (if not Bush himself), but with the Bush crowd, in trying to come to a kind of condominium with the Bush crowd, and continuing in effect what are Bush policies. The former Soviet Union is not a regional power; it is a global thermonuclear superpower which is in a certain amount of chaos presently. If the present chaos continues, it either will disintegrate into a nuclear civil war with global implications, or we shall see--and this is quite probable--the emergence of a dictatorship in Russia (not a communist dictatorship but a Great Russian dictatorship), which will be a thermonuclear superpower and remain such at the time that the West, the Atlantic powers, are collapsing as a result of an oncoming social crisis triggered by a general financial collapse, a collapse centered in out-of-control derivatives markets. And on that point too, the administration is paying no attention; is reluctant--as Bush was--to offend the New York Fed crowd, and is bowing to the New York Fed crowd and its financial house attributes, which is just feeding the onrushing, derivatives-centered, international global financial collapse. So I think we're in a very dangerous situation for the United States. We might say the administration is saying, well, there is no bread; let them eat cake. It's a very similar thing. Doom is right over the corner unless this stops, but they seem stubbornly determined to continue their present policy. Q: You mentioned two things. You mentioned that with two-thirds of the population of the world, one policy is being applied; and you mentioned the emergence of GATT. Of course, Clinton says that NAFTA, GATT, the World Bank, the IMF policies are the foundation of his new strategic policy. Would you say that he is moving toward a colonial policy? Is this a new colonial policy that we're talking about, or a continuation of Bush's colonial policy? MR. LAROUCHE: In a sense. But I wouldn't say colonial. I think that's a very bad term. People who are using colonialism, are going back into the 19th and 18th centuries, and are not paying attention to the determining realities of this period. {This is not a neocolonial period.} This is a New Age period, and that's what the problem is. These ideas that Clinton has espoused, the idea that democracy and free trade are strategic goals which are the proper subject of concern of the Defense Department, of our military-strategic policy; {this is absolute childishness,} infantilism; this has no place--well, this is like the captain of the Titanic headed for the iceberg. [commercial break] Russia is Implementing a Great Russia Policy Based on Third Rome Axiomatics Q: Mr. LaRouche, we are currently looking at a President Yeltsin who has troops surrounding the Parliament in Moscow. No one knows what's going to happen in the coming weeks ahead in Russia. Nevertheless, whether Yeltsin goes with some kind of compromise, which he's rejected at this point in spite of the advice of leaders around him, or whether he goes with some sort of violent confrontation, can it be said that Mr. Yeltsin is heading toward an irrevocable imperial turn in Moscow? MR. LAROUCHE: I don't know. I think he's heading toward a shipwreck. The Russian process is somewhat complicated. When you try to look at it in these terms, you don't get answers, because you're merely looking at a shipwreck. It won't work. The essential problem here is not Yeltsin. The problem is twofold. First, the U.S. government, so far, is playing the same game with Yeltsin, essentially, that Bush played with Gorbachov. That is the essential insanity of the tactical approach to the Yeltsin question: playing this game of tangible personalities as personalities, saying this is our man in Moscow. This is the most dangerous thing you can do, particularly with a former adversary superpower, in which the enemy image in the military and other institutions, are still there, the {nomenklatura,}--and have been there for most of the past Cold War period of the United States or the Anglo-American powers, despite the back-channel agreements which existed. So to play this ``Yeltsin is our man in Moscow,'' is the {stupidest} thing in the world to play. It's like playing soap-opera scenarios, not real politics. The other side of this, is that the so-called free-market policy, which means IMF conditionalities, shock therapy, George Soros, etc.; this is destroying and is injuring Russia, the people of Russia, and driving them mad. {The impetus for violence comes from the very policy which the United States is imposing.} And the United States support for Yeltsin has been {conditional} upon Yeltsin's embrace of not just Gaidar, but Yeltsin's embrace of this democracy-free trade dogma, this globalist dogma, which the Clinton administration has adopted as a {substitute} for a strategic policy. That is, the Clinton administration so far, particularly in the last period, since Gergen came in to the White House, has moved itself into the position of continuing this Bush policy--failing to recognize, or refusing to consider {anything} which defines strategy as based on something other than this so-called globalist democracy/free trade issue, pushing all other considerations to one side. They are blinding themselves to the actually determining issues. Democracy and globalism, or free trade, is {not} on the agenda of the Russian process. It is the thing which is {driving} it toward an explosion. Now, the question is, can Yeltsin take the pressure, without going into flight forward? It appeared, the way he handled the coup--which may be called a preventive coup--was flight forward. And there was speculation around the world, as to whether he was drinking a little bit too much at the time. He did it. It was a very dangerous situation, out of which nothing good can come directly, and he's now in a desperate, frustrated situation, in which the propensity for violence increases as he fails to enforce his will--extremely dangerous. The problem is, in Washington, they're not looking at that. The strategic considerations in Washington are: Is this furthering the cause of the spread of democracy? Of course, they don't mind a little dictatorship, as long as democracy is furthered by the dictator; and is it furthering above all, the so-called free trade/GATT/NAFTA, etc., complex? And it's that GATT/NAFTA complex which is driving the world into a military type of strategic conflict which Washington refuses to admit exists as a possibility. And that's where our problem is. Q: If you look at the case of Georgia, Shevardnadze, who was part of the Russian {nomenklatura,} the Foreign Minister for the Soviet Union for a long time, has been syaing that Russia is behind the rebel occupation and feeding of the rebel forces in Sukhumi, which just took over the capital, and he bitterly went after this. Is this part of how Yeltsin and his crew are moving against the republics? MR. LAROUCHE: Not really. That's one way you can look at it, but that's spin, pure spin. What is happening, is that the United States and other powers are forcing Russia into being the globalist partner of the Anglo-American powers. Under those circumstances, it's not Yeltsin, it is inevitable: There is a Great Russian process based on Third Rome axiomatics which is in the saddle in Moscow, that's the way things are going, Yeltsin or no Yeltsin. And that's what Washington is paying no attention to. [commercial break] The Federal Reserve: Citizens Must Study My Proposals Q: Mr. LaRouche, Henry Gonzalez, the chairman of the House Banking Committee, called for a reorganization or restructuring of the Federal Reserve. He said the Federal Reserve should be brought more under the control of Congress and the people, especially by giving them the appointments of Federal Reserve Bank presidents. His specific proposal was rejected by President Clinton, who said that the calls for overhauling the Fed were unwarranted at this point, that the Fed has done a great job. Do you think we have to restructure the Federal Reserve? Is it doing a great job? MR. LAROUCHE: Of course we have to restructure the Federal Reserve. I wouldn't even think that's a legitimate question, as to whether we have to or not. The significant part of that is not what Congressman Gonzalez said in that point. That's correct, he's moving in the right direction politically toward what we have to do, which is to bring the entire monetary credit policy and banking policy of the United States back under constitutionality. That's correct. The significant part of that exchange, however, is not what Henry Gonzalez did, or what he's proposing; that's perfectly sane stuff. What's significant is Clinton's rejection of it, by way of a letter to the Congressman. This indicates the same thing that I warned about, after one of those so-called debates among Clinton, Bush, and Perot last year, where the question was posed to all three of the candidates: How would they respond to suggestions to bring the Fed under control? And all, like the three famous monkeys, the three famous candidates said, ``Hear no evil, speak no evil, see no evil.'' They said they would support the Federal Reserve system. That's the Bush policy, essentially, and in this respect, Clinton played exactly a continuation of the Bush script--that is, the New York Fed and the seven-plus banks which are the heart of the Fed, including Citibank, are the sacred cows before which the interest of our nation must give way: constitutionality, national interest, employment interest--everything must give way to the pleasure of this bunch of bankers and brokers up in New York City. That's essentially the way it is. And Gonzalez is one of the few people standing up visibly, defending the Constitution of the nation with a cautious but correct approach. He's a senior figure, knows what the score is--he's not a fool--as against these people who are pandering to that bunch of looters and fools in New York City. Remember, New York City is no longer really old bankers. It's almost an insult to the old bankers to call these guys bankers. These are nothing but Yuppie maniacs using the mechanisms of the old banking system, the Fed system, but running away with a complete New Age derivatives/utopian lunacy; and so what has happened, is that the President of the United States is so far defending lunacy against Henry Gonzalez. And that's the way to look at it. Q: Is there any way of beginning to restructure the Fed and restructure the U.S. economy to start to reverse the tremendous fall-- MR. LAROUCHE: I dealt with that in the election campaign. All of this stuff is in my campaign programs. Any citizen who is concerned about this country, is not going to ask me for a one-line answer. They're going to say ``What do you propose?'' Well it's all in there. It's in a series of books, including matters referenced in a book-length publication of the LaRouche-Bevel campaign. It's all there. It's what I had in my television broadcasts during the campaign. Not many people voted for that; well, that was their mistake. That wasn't just Clinton's mistake nor Bush's mistake; they didn't vote for me, now they're going into hell. {People have to learn that lesson.} They made a mistake by not considering seriously enough what I was saying. Now either that's going to change, and a lot of people are going to now consider what I said by getting a copy of that book or other materials, or old campaign broadcasts, and studying them, and learning what the answers are, or they're just going to continue to pepper me with requests for one-line answers which really don't address the subject. Yes, we do have to make a major revision. Yes, if I were in charge, I could fix it. It would be a big fight, but I could fix it, if they didn't kill me first. But under the present course of action, {nothing} is going to work. [commercial break] NAFTA: ``A One-time Trip to Hell'' Q: Mr. LaRouche, the {New York Times} has had another editorial in support of NAFTA. They have had a whole sequence of ad campaigns, multi-page ad campaigns pushing for NAFTA. Of course, Ross Perot has a book against NAFTA, but from what I understand, your objection to NAFTA goes far beyond the issue of loss of jobs and trade. MR. LAROUCHE: That's right. What I've said is that, insofar as Ross refers to the problem of the ``great sucking sound,'' he's absolutely correct, and no sane American, I think, can take issue with him on that subject--that is, any sane American who knows the ABCs of economics, even simple business economics. The problem is that NAFTA is not just that. We have to look at this thing, not as a trade-union issue--which is essentially what Perot was doing, looking at it from the standpoint of a small business, a trade-union pattern, ``my town is losing its two industries,'' ``my town is losing jobs.'' That's all valid insofar as it goes, but it does not address the core issue. Look at the overall policy, look at those who designed NAFTA. Of course this is a policy which came to the fore under Bush, and is merely a continuation of the Bush policy during the Clinton administration period. In a sense, when Clinton was campaigning, he was of two minds on this business, and now he's gone over to being of one mind, which means he's adopted Bush policies--at least so far, on this question. What we're looking at is a destruction of the United States, first of all. Without jobs and without businesses in the United States, or with a downsizing of the United States so that instead of working in a machine tool shop or a factory that produces high-tech equipment you're now flipping hamburgers or performing slave services some place, obviously the level of tax-revenue base, as well as income in the United States, is collapsing--per capita income. So they're destroying and disintegrating the United States. There will be no purchasing power to purchase these products from overseas, and therefore, the whole proposition is insane from any standpoint, except somebody who is selling the parts of existing civilization for whatever cash they can get for it. So it's a one-time trip to hell. NAFTA is absolutely insane. What's at issue now, is not whether businesses will run to Mexico. That has already been decided, that's happening. Mexico is being looted at the same time the United States is being looted by this process of chaos. What is at issue at this point, is a far more fundamental thing. Our {very national existence} is now on the edge. If the financial provisions, or the clear intent--I don't know the exact language, because I haven't seen it, Henry Gonzalez would like to see the exact language, I understand--but I know the direction of intent of this agreement; and the direction of intent, is the old Paul Warburg scheme with a New Age spin on it. And that is to begin basing the U.S. dollar more and more, {not} as a currency of the United States, but as a currency of {many} currencies, in which the Mexican state finances the U.S. dollar. The U.S. dollar becomes a Mexican dollar. Many countries then begin to control it. We no longer have sovereignty over our own currency, our own banking system, our own credit system. We are simply another victim of a global financial swindle, in which the main agency for this upfront is the New York Fed district, and the seven banks, including Citibank, which are the banks that own, in effect, the Federal Reserve district. So essentially, what we're dealing with here, is a continuation of Paul Warburg's swindle to its New Age extreme, in which the United States government presently, despite the objections of Henry Gonzalez and others, is surrendering the sovereignty of the United States to a collection of private bankers whose mentality is that of the Soros brothers, Paul and George. This is absolute immoral insanity, and there is no excuse for it. No one who can be elected to office in the United States, has the right to claim to be stupid enough to tolerate this out of innocent ignorance. This is a swindle, the worst swindle I've seen among all financial swindles. And anyone who tolerates it, is culpable. They are culpable of acts which are tantamount to treason against the Constitution of the United States, whether they intend that or not. And they had better stop short and consider what they're really getting into, and cut this nonsense out. Q: Mr. LaRouche, I have two questions. You may only be able to answer one in this time segment. Number one, how is sovereignty destroyed with this policy, and number two, in the past, the United States dollar was the denomination for world trade, in the '50s and the '60s and the '70s; how is it going to be different under NAFTA? MR. LAROUCHE: Let me take the second question first. There {is} no such comparison. Yes, the U.S. dollar was the standard for world trade in the postwar period; but it was because it was a strong dollar based on the industry, the power of production of the United States, the mobilization of the U.S. productive potential which occurred in World War II. We had the greatest productive machine on this planet in agriculture, in manufactured goods, and so forth. Everybody wanted our goods, our farm products (if they could afford them); our industrial products. They wanted them. Our machine tools: they wanted them. Now, we have nothing. We are a junkyard. We produce almost nothing. We have to beg the Japanese to let us produce an automobile which can even meet a Japanese standard as competitors' technologically. We're a junkyard. What this does, is to take the dollar {out} of the United States, it's no longer a U.S. dollar. It's the dollar of a bunch of bankers based in part in New York, who have no loyalties to the United States, who {do as they will}; who have no accountability to the American people. They make no significant investment in building up U.S. industries, but they'd rather tear them down and export them. They make no investment in agriculture to speak of; they loot our farmers. They make no investment in infrastructure; the {New York Times} as a mouthpiece for these swindlers, says ``No, let the Mississippi River's flood destroy the farms of Iowa and parts of Illinois. Let's wipe out these farmers. We don't care. Let Mother Nature do as she will.'' That's not the voice of a bunch of patriotic citizens; that's the voice of a bunch of scoundrels. So this is the scoundrel-dollar they're proposing, not the kind of U.S. dollar we had at the end of World War II. [commercial break] Mississippi Valley Flood: Let's Put the Corps of Engineers--and Our Youth--Back to Work Q: Mr. LaRouche, the state of Iowa has used up $3.5 billion in appropriations from the General Fund in dealing with the flood crisis. They have already spent it. They're looking in some kind of way for emergency sessions. How are they going to deal with the crisis, and what is President Clinton doing to help them, or what should he do to help them? MR. LAROUCHE: There was a report which was produced by {Executive Intelligence Review} which was published in significant part in {EIR,} the magazine. That report is the key to looking at this business. Essentially, from 1940 until recently, the Corps of Engineers built up a system of flood control or water management which from Cairo, Illinois south has functioned perfectly in this recent period, as well as any system could. It met the standard of the 500-year flood cycle. North of Cairo, the results are much poorer, spotty. The worst case, of course, is Davenport, Iowa, where the citizens of Davenport opposed building up the levees for fear that the levees would drive away some of the business from riverboat gambling: {sic transit gloria Davenport.} The problem has been that the Minneapolis and other grain cartels and railroad complexes and the Democratic machine based in the organized-crime-controlled (since Floyd Olson) Democratic Farmer Labor Party machine in Minnesota and to some degree Iowa, have opposed successfully these kinds of flood control measure--or adequate flood-control measures--sometimes saying that the railroads shouldn't have to build up their tracks to accommodate this, playing upon the cupidity of citizens to induce a significant number to oppose these. So as a result of these foolish measures, the citizens of those affected states are left open to flooding--except, say, Mankato, which did a good job in defending itself, or other cities, like the other three, the non-Davenport cities, in the Quad Cities area. This area has left itself open to flooding. This area we have made, as a part of national policy, the center of U.S. grain policy, this nine-odd-state area, which we are now leaving open to jeopardy,. Now we have to look at the problem a little bit differently, at a different level. We have now entered into a new weather pattern. We are headed toward, maybe 5,000 years from now, a new Ice Age. We won't see glaciers sitting on top of Minnesota and Iowa for the next centuries or so; but we are moving into a change toward a long-term cooling pattern, not global warming, or anything of the sort. So we have to be prepared for more problems of this type. This is not one incident that's going to go away. {These could happen again}, next year or in the foreseeable future, this kind of pattern. So we have to act immediately, to do what has {succeeded} south of Cairo, north of Cairo. We have to bring back the Corps of Engineers. Now given the fact that we have so many youth who are killing each other in these drug-infested cities of ours, youth who are uneducated, youth who are being destroyed by the introduction of OBE-type education into the school system, this is the time to say: Let's take 3 million of our otherwise quasi-employable or unemployable youth, and let's use them for something which will rescue them. Let's provide them with some kind of a work-education regime away from the places where they live in a kill-or-be-killed urban hellhole of drugs, into a (relatively, at least) drug-free atmosphere working for such things as the Corps of Engineers in building up levee systems the way the CCCs were used back in the 1930s, but perhaps better than the CCCs. We at least know enough from experience, we can do the good things the CCCs did, without repeating some of the omissions that they were guilty of, so to speak. So I would say that's one of the lessons we've learned. We've got to find the money nationally; and we can find it in terms of a type of banking reform that I've proposed and that I think Mr. Gonzalez, among others, would support; and let's create the kinds of programs of reconstruction which are job-creating, which address in that way major social problems in our society. Let's use some resources which are otherwise going to waste, left fallow, to bring this nation back into a sensible direction. And that's the way I would approach it. This is a national emergency. The people of Iowa require not merely Iowa help, they require national assistance, the same way that we ran the Corps of Engineers program so successfully from Cairo down the Mississippi to New Orleans. Remember: Not a single part of that area suffered a failure of the Corps of Engineers system, in that entire stretch; and without that system, they would have had worse flood conditions than they had north of Cairo. So the problem is to bring north of Cairo on the Missouri and Mississippi into conformity with south of Cairo. Let's put the Corps of Engineers back to work doing what they did so well; let's get the extra human beings to help do the thing by addressing a social problem of creating a CCC-type program to augment the Corps of Engineers capability and rescue some millions of our youth who otherwise seem headed for the graveyard or worse. Health Care Reform: What the Clintons are Not Saying Q: Mr. LaRouche, in the last couple of weeks, we've had the introduction with great fanfare, of Clinton's health care program. Hillary Clinton has been testifying in Congress and receiving applause, it would appear, or this is what the press is saying. Yet, if you look closely at the health care program, they're talking about restricting choices for the elderly, they're talking about $250 billion in cuts in Medicare and Medicaid. How would you characterize this type of approach? Is this the way we have to begin to deal with the soaring prices in the health industry? MR. LAROUCHE: Of course not. There are certain elements that the Clintons have put forward, which are not unreasonable, like eliminating some of the paperwork, the administrative burden, which is an expensive cancer complicating all of the problems of health care in the recent period. When regulation is focused upon interfering with the relationship between the physician and the patient, that regulation is counterproductive. It is corrosive, it is cancerous. The regulation should be addressed to providing the stream of services to people who need it, and finding the income, from private and public sources, to satisfy them. That far, that's good. That's good. But the problem is first of all, what the Clintons are not saying, and what, as a result of their not addressing, they are trapped into supporting. As I said, I will grant that Mr. and Mrs. Clinton have amiable intentions in this; but I think they may be so bemused by their own program, and so fearful of taking on some very relevant issues affecting that program, that they're trapped into a neo-Malthusian population reduction program, which has certain resemblances to the Nazi slave-labor concentration camp system, of eliminating useless eaters. Essentially, some of these caps and limitations, which are seen through the prism of the overall reduction in Medicare, Medicaid and so forth--some of these caps and provisions, which may seem innocent or simply legalisms on the surface, or budget reductions on the surface--mean that we're taking very sick people, we're taking older people, over 60, 65, or even over 55, who are the section of the people which needs most of the medical care. It's children and older people, essentially, and certain categories of the very poor, very ill, who are more subject to disease. And we're saying no, we're going to cut down the medical care to these people. It's like saying we're going to take medical care away from those who need it, in order to provide cheap, free medical care to everyone who {doesn't} need it, or who needs very little of it, or relatively little. That's where we're headed. So this is a population reduction scheme to trim the U.S. population, to reverse the way the pyramid has gone. We've moved away from a society which has a large young population and a smaller older population, to a society which has a growing older population and a shrinking younger population. And this method of population control by capping medical services delivered, and by not addressing the problem of medical services in the hard-core poverty areas, simply becomes an effective way, as the Nazis would say, of eliminating the useless eaters. And as I say, I will grant all amiable intentions to the Clintons; but this is where it's going, unless we change the direction. What the Clintons are not addressing, is the fact that the medical problem is the result of two things. First of all, it's the result of population reduction. So therefore we don't have the pyramid statistically to support medical care that we had years ago. But more fundamentally, it's the past 25-odd years shift into a post-industrial society which has shrunk the tax-revenue base and the income base which supported medical care years ago, but is no longer there in that ratio to support it today. It is not that medical costs have risen; it is that medical costs are largely labor-intensive costs of highly skilled professional and other labor. And when you collapse the economy, you find out that these costs remain relatively constant, whereas wages and other income are dropping. The rise in medical costs for medical care, relative to, say, 1968 as a date of comparison, is largely a result of the insane post-industrial society, neo-Malthusian dogmas which the United States government has adopted over the past 25-odd years. ``If Russia Goes to Hell, We'll Be Going to Hell'' Q: Mr. LaRouche, in the last minute that we have, let's come back to Russia and the strategic situation. What can Clinton do at this point? We're talking about economic proposals. Is there anything that Clinton can do or should do? We have the Balkans, the Middle East; are there any closing remarks you want to leave us with? MR. LAROUCHE: I think we're just about out of time, and I would say generally, that I've laid everything out in earlier broadcasts and interviews, and in things that are published. It's not a simple thing. There is no simple gimmick. It's a fundamental problem in policy, and until we make that policy, the United States is headed to Hell, along with most of the rest of the world. We are not going to have a situation in which Hell is confined to two-thirds of this planet and we in the other one-third survive nicely. If Russia goes to Hell, we'll be going to Hell, too, because that problem will radiate right into our backyard. MEL KLENETSKY: Thank you very much, Mr. LaRouche. We will see you next week. This is EIR Talks. I'm Mel Klenetsky. If people want to send in questions for Mr. LaRouche, write to EIR Talks, c/o EIR News Service, Inc., Attn: Mel Klenetsky, P.O. Box 17390, Washington, D.C., 20041-0390. - 30 - ---- John Covici covici@ccs.covici.com
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