The Nizkor Project: Remembering the Holocaust (Shoah)

The Heritage Front Affair
Report to the Solicitor General of Canada
Security Intelligence Review Committee
December 9, 1994

7.6 Conspiracies and Plots

The Chairman of the Reform Party said he never believed or thought that there were higher levels to the infiltration story, i.e., the possibility of direction by others.[159] But many of the Reform Party members and officers we spoke to were absolutely convinced that the infiltration was directed by persons associated with the Progressive Conservative Party in order to discredit the Reform Party.

"The Heritage Front Affair" is the first time that some officials in the Reform Party think that they may have evidence of such a conspiracy.

7.6.1 The Enigma

On June 12, 1992, Michael Lublin, a member of the Kitchener- Waterloo Jewish community and the self-professed "highest ranking Jewish member of the Reform Party went on national television to denounce the party as racially intolerant and antisemitic, and to declare that a Reform Government would be a disaster for Canada."[160]

Thus began another chapter in the complex lead-up to the 1993 federal election.

Michael Lublin told the Review Committee that he joined the Reform Party in April 1991 because he liked their economic policies.[l61] Lublin told his then friend, John Toogood, that he was interested in Reform because they were standing up for civil liberties and he thought that Reform was misunderstood. [162]

In June 1992, Lublin had a rift with the Reform Party; he became angry, he said, after "pin stripe racists at the Waterloo riding level made things tough" for him. He said he left the Party when he was prevented from going to a meeting.[l63] Paul Kelly stated that Michael Lublin applied for the job of Regional Coordinator for Southwestern Ontario. He did not get the job but Reg Gosse did.[164] Lublin later said that the differences of opinion with Reg Gosse were racially [165] Gosse completely denied the allegation and said he was upset that Lublin would say so, having spent many "long hours" listening to Lublin's problems.

The Party had turned Lublin down for a position on June 9, 1992 and he went public with his criticism of Reform on June 12, 1992.

7.6.2 The Conservatives

Lublin said his friend John Toogood, a university student, acted as an political advisor to him and Lublin took him to Reform Party meetings.[166] Toogood agreed that they attended some meetings together, but he denied being an "advisor" and also stated that he was always candid about his Conservative Party links.

Toogood says that Lublin called him to say there were to be other Reform Party meetings and they went to two or three such meetings together; he said he went to learn what Reform's appeal was and he never attended any small riding meetings: the ones he went to were publicly advertised, large, and attended by the media. 167 Toogood says there was never any doubt that both Gosse and Lublin knew he was a member of the PC Party.[168] Reg Gosse confirmed Toogood's statement.[169]

In the Summer of 1992, Toogood told SIRC, he worked in Solicitor General Doug Lewis' office and had little or no contact with Lublin at that time, to speak of. As a summer student, he answered the telephones, and liaised with the Ministry of Justice in regard to the gun control issue. His- only contact with CSIS was to book appointments. In regard to the-Reform Party, Toogood said he wrote synopses of their Justice policy: all based on newspaper articles and Reform Party literature. He stated that at no time while working for Doug Lewis or otherwise, did he ever make use of any external groups or agencies.[170]

Lublin said that Joe Lafleur, a Conservative official, tried to recruit him. Lafleur told the Review Committee that he did not try to get involved in the Reform Party. Lublin, who was seeking a job gave Lafleur a Campaign Contributions list which Lafleur said he never used: he just threw it in a file cabinet and left there.[171] Lublin said the list was a publicly available corporate contributions list.[172] Lafleur said he was happy to hear Lublin's complaints about what was going on in the Reform Party, as they were the opponents, but no dirty tricks took place.

7.6.3 The Plots

Lublin first told us that John Toogood and Bernie Farber, the Canadian Jewish Congress Director of Community Relations were working together to discredit the Reform Party.[173] He later said they did not work together toward the goal.[l74] Lublin also says that he had a conversation with Hugh Segal, Advisor to Prime Minister Brian Mulroney.[175]

Both Toogood and the CJC Director have stated that they have never met or spoken to each other, much less conspired together.[176] Both completely denied they ever tried to discredit the Reform Party. Hugh Segal received a message from Lublin but does not believe he ever spoke to him. Segal says he had his secretary give the name of a party official to Lublin to contact, wary of the negative comments Lublin made about his former mentors in the Reform Party.[177]

Lublin described Droege as a complex, complicated and interesting individual, notwithstanding the fact that Lublin's Serbian friends fought Droege's people in the Kitchener-Waterloo area.[178]

It was learned that in November 1992, Lublin called Droege for information about a lecture by British Nazi sympathizer, writer David Irving. Droege said it was a closed meeting, but authorized Lublin to inform the media. Lublin stressed they keep their association with one another secret and Droege agreed.[179]

In the Spring of 1993, Preston Manning came to Oshawa. Lublin said that lawyer Louis Allore called him in Florida to say he wanted to discredit Manning. He would pay Droege $500 to have the Heritage Front "hound Manning" in May or June 1993. Allore told Lublin that Droege does not get paid until the "stunt" appears in the newspaper.[180]

7.6.5 View from the Outside

Bristow was aware that Michael Lublin was an anti-racist who wanted to be a spokesperson for the Jewish community. The hearsay within the Heritage Front was that Lublin had his eye on the Director of Community Relations' job at the Canadian Jewish Congress.[181] Bristow overheard some of the conversations between Wolfgang Droege and Michael Lublin: Lublin did not like Reform and wanted to be seen as a peacemaker between the Nazis and the Jews. As a negotiator, he could make a name for himself.[182] Bristow took a photograph of Lublin and Droege arm-in-arm together.

Alan Overfield said that Michael Lublin was a case of "sour grapes". Although Lublin accused the Reform Party of being racist, he still attended their meetings. Lublin knew Droege by his first name and he was involved in a lot of manipulation in the Jewish Community.[183]

Bristow believed that Wolfgang Droege received cash from a Bay Street fellow to attend Reform Party meetings to discredit and embarrass the Party. Bristow was of the opinion that Lublin coordinated the contacts but that the money came from the other person.[184]

We received reports that someone called CITY TV in Toronto to tell them that Droege would attend Reform Party meetings. The staff we spoke to at CITY TV denied they were informed in advance of Heritage Front activities.[185] The Source, however stated that it was "standard methodology" for someone to call CITY TV in Toronto to tell them that Droege would attend Reform Party meetings. A Reform Party member and advisor has stated that reporter Colin Vaughn was present at some of the Reform Party demonstrations.[l86] Droege said he had no knowledge about the CITY TV matter.[187]

Droege told Bristow that Lublin thought it was a good idea if Droege went to Reform Party meetings: Lublin would call the press to make sure Reform was discredited. The Review Committee has confirmed that Michael Lublin made at least some of the calls.[188]

It was learned that Lublin told Droege during April 1993 that he had contacted the media to tell them, that Heritage Front members voted at the John Gamble nomination meeting. He later said that he told reporter Colin Vaughn that this made him fearful as a Jew. He suggested that two well-known officials in the Reform Party be made the fall guys. Droege agreed.

In April 1993, Droege told Bristow that the Heritage Front might wish to engage Michael Lublin for publicity purposes and also the two groups could work together to discredit Preston Manning and the Reform Party. The Source subsequently learned that Lublin had some personal grudge against the Reform Party and is seeking to form a clandestine alliance with the Heritage Front.

It was further learned that Lublin told Droege that the Heritage Front should publicly claim that Lublin was their (HF) primary opponent. Lublin would like the notoriety to establish himself as the guardian of the Jewish community and to weaken groups like the Canadian Jewish Congress and the B'nai Brith. Lublin even suggested that the HF should blow up his personal vehicle so that he could show the public that he was an important Neo-nazi enemy.

Lublin was reported as saying to Droege that the two [?]ould feed off one another to gain maximum media exposure. Droege confided to the Source that he would be open to a mutual campaign of publicity and controversy with Lublin.

7.6.6 The Whitby Lawyer

Lawyer Louis S. Allore was on the Board of Directors of the Ontario riding association (Pickering, Ajax, Whitby) for the Reform Party. During the fall of 1991 or the spring of 1992 serious conflicts arose in the riding.[189]

Riding President David Barber held a secret meeting with some Board members to try to oust Allore. When the full board found out, they reacted and Barber was ousted as President. Jack Hurst and Reg Gosse came in to mediate and Allore subsequently conducted a vendetta against them. Allore also complained when the Party expelled John Gamble and David Andrus.[l90]

David Andrus stated that Allore devoted a lot of time and campaigned seriously for the nominated candidate in his riding. He was expelled from the Party for his support of Gamble (see 5.6.8). Once expelled, he carried on a one man campaign through the media to tell the press what he thought of the Reform Party and Preston Manning.[191] He launched two legal actions against Manning and Andrus said that he was making some progress when he died in August 1994. Andrus saw it as a questionable death and said that Allore was a man of integrity.[192]

Richard Van Seters, John Gamble's campaign manager viewed Allore as bitter about his expulsion and as a person who went to extremes to create embarrassment. Van Seters said that Allore talked to the Heritage Front and "they were employed to disrupt" the Gamble meeting.[193] After his expulsion, Van Seters said that Allore corresponded with Conservatives Jean Charest and Mike Harris.[194] John Gamble, however, did not think that Allore would have anything to do with the Heritage Front.[195]

The Review Committee was informed that the only point of contact between Allore and Harris were the two letters which Allore sent to the Ontario leader. The two never met.[196] Similarly, Jean Charest said he does not remember ever having met Louis Allore. The five letters which Allore sent to Charest were never answered.[197]

On April 29, 1993 a story appeared in a satirical magazine. The article stated that Droege, "has been happily describing how he is exacting his revenge while having someone else pay for it...the mysterious paymaster is a Toronto area Tory campaign chairthingy."[l98] Some present and former Reform Party officials believed the story contained some truth.[l99]

The source of the report was John Thompson, [200] a Reform Party member, who said that he had had a source infiltrate the Heritage Front one Summer.[201]

On August 21, 1994, it was learned that Droege advised Gerry Lincoln that lawyer Louis Allore, was a person he had met, who was trying to infiltrate the Reform Party. Droege confided to Lincoln that Allore gave him some money personally. This was probably in relation to the Oshawa Conspiracy (see 7.6.7). Lincoln said he never heard about the matter.

Wolfgang Droege, under oath, informed the Review Committee that he received $500.00 from lawyer Louis Allore to publicly support the Reform Party. He was given the money to attend a meeting where he could embarrass Preston Manning. When asked if others were involved, Droege said he did not know, although Allore was in touch with other dissidents from the Reform Party such as John Gamble and David Andrus. Droege stated, "it was mainly an attempt by myself and Louis Allore to discredit Preston Manning."[202]

7.6.7 The Oshawa Conspiracy

On May 27, 1993 Wolfgang Droege left his home and picked up Tracy Jones, Peter Mitrevski and Drew Maynard in the Hillington/Danforth area; he then he drove to Whitby, Ontario just before noon. He picked up an envelope at the Ontario Court Division (Rossland Road East) and then drove to Oshawa where he tried to attend a Reform Party Meeting at 50 Bond Street.

Wolfgang Droege and Peter Mitrevski appeared at the Reform Party meeting in Oshawa at which Preston Manning was to appear before the Canadian Auto Workers. The two racists had received $10.00 tickets to attend the meeting but the Reform Party officials refused to allow them to enter and refunded their money.[203] They were escorted out of the building by police officers.

The next day, it was learned that Droege told Marque Poole Jewer that the incident in Oshawa went pretty well because there was some publicity in Oshawa about his being kicked out by the police. Droege revealed that some Reform Party dissidents were going to start a new party as soon as the election was over, and he was expecting to receive some favours in return since he already did them a few (see section 7.6.13 below). The Heritage Front leader also said he was going to meet with an attorney (thought to be Louis S. Allore) the following week to receive taskings.

Droege told the Source several days later that he was given $500.00 and two tickets to the event by Michael Lublin. Lublin denies he provided the $500 or the tickets and said he was in Florida at the time. Droege took Peter Mitrevski with him and was to pay him $100.00 for his participation. Drew Maynard and Tracy Jones were taken to hand out flyers. Droege said that the Reform Party claim that the Conservative Party had hired him to discredit Preston Manning was humorous. One and a half years later, on the day that the lawyer died in a car accident, Droege again said that Allore gave him some money `personally'. A CSIS Investigator stated that he believed that the deal was brokered by Michael Lublin.

Whereas the evidence is circumstantial, it appears that Droege collected an envelope containing $500.00 and two tickets from Louis Allore and then, to embarrass the Reform Party, went to the meeting where Preston Manning was to speak.

Droege first told the Review Committee that he did not receive money to attend Reform Party meetings: "afterwards, though, they would go out for a few beers. No money changed hands." He denied receiving money from Michael Lublin, who he said, was "an opponent" and, because of him, Droege "got kicked out of the Reform Party."[204] At a subsequent hearing on oath, Droege stated that Louis Allore paid him to attend the Reform Party meeting.[205]

7.6.8 The John Gamble Affair

One of the main planks in conspiracy theories is the John Gamble Affair. Gamble, a former Progressive Conservative Member of Parliament and contender in that Party's leadership race in the early 1980s, won the nomination on March 31, 1993 as the Reform Party candidate for the riding of Don Valley West.

Prior to the Meeting. Six days before the nomination meeting, the Secretary to the Reform Party, Mike Friese wrote to the President of the riding association, David Andrus to say that Gamble's nomination would be bad for the Party because of his association with Paul Fromm and Ron Gostick who were publicly perceived to be associated with extremist views. Another letter from the Party also said, apparently, that Fromm was working with Gamble in the World Anti-Communist League during the mid-1980s.[206]

Gamble was the North American Chairman of the World Anti- Communist League and was the subject of an article in "This" Magazine. He said that Don Blenkarn and others in the Conservative Party were also mentioned as supporters of the League.[207] One of the accusations against the League was that it was anti-semitic, but Gamble saw that as "ancient history" and the people involved were no longer associated with the League; Gamble had never known them.

The Nomination Meeting. At Gamble's nomination meeting on March 31, 1993, Wolfgang Droege (expelled from the Reform Party the year before), Peter Mitrevski and a few others showed up outside the hall and made a public show of support for Gamble. The candidate, in turn, made a statement saying he would not refuse such assistance.

It was learned that Michael Lublin left a message for Droege on March 31st that they should get together and organize something for a candidates meeting scheduled for that night for the Don Valley. Lublin added that all the media would be there and it could be important.[208]

The Source remembered that Droege and Peter Mitrevski supported John Gamble's nomination. Droege told the Source that Gamble is not a bad guy and that he held him in high esteem. Droege also told the Source that he was given the financial incentive to embarrass the Reform Party by a supporter of Gamble. The Source did not know who the supporter was. [209] John Gamble told us that he met Droege only once - and that was at the nomination meeting. Droege was pointed out to him by a member of a television news team. The reporter asked Gamble if he wanted the support of the people outside his meeting. Gamble said he would accept help "from anyone -here if I can get it." The candidate said that he was told who Droege was after he made the comment. Gamble emphasized that he had no contact with the HF at any other time: Droege was not a member of Gamble's riding association and he did not recognize him, nor those with him. There were six or seven other Heritage Front people at the nomination meeting, but Gamble would not recognize any of them if he saw them now. Gamble never heard of Bristow, until he read about him in the press.[210]

Droege has confirmed that Grant Bristow did not attend the nomination meeting. Droege and the others were there, he said, to lend support to Gamble and they urged people they knew to work for him. Droege said they only involved people who he knew could vote.[211]

The Appeal. At a meeting on April 2, 1993 the Executive Council of the Reform Party nullified the nomination of Gamble. On May 8, 1993 a hearing took place in Calgary to hear Gamble's appeal.

Ron Wood told SIRC that there was never any evidence of a conspiracy, but Gamble, as an ex-Tory, raised questions in the Reform Party as to what was happening and whether the purpose of his candidacy was to embarrass the Party.[2l2]

Gamble and senior members of the riding association went to Calgary to appeal and said they brought with them the ballots which members in the riding were asked to fill out. In Calgary, according to Gamble, little notice was taken of the ballots and this convinced him that the Executive Council's decision was made before he arrived.[2l3]

Another document that Gamble brought was a letter from Paul Fromm. John Gamble met Paul Fromm when the former was a Conservative Member of Parliament. He had received some Citizens for Foreign Aid Reform (C-FAR) literature and, since Gamble was concerned about taxes and where foreign aid money was going, he arranged a get-together between several Mps and Fromm. The two would later meet on several occasions.[214]

Fromm attended a World Anti-Communist League conference in San Diego, which Gamble did not attend; nor Gamble says, did he send Fromm.[2l5] During the March 1993 nomination issue, a member of Gamble's staff heard that Fromm was described as the Secretary for the World Anti-Communist League and the staff member asked Fromm for a letter. The letter from Fromm, dated May 6, 1993 states that he never held the position of "second in commznd to former MP John Gamble in the Canadian Branch of the World Anti-Communist League. " Gamble says he last spoke to Fromm nine or ten years ago.

At lunch, Gamble held a press conference to announce what had happened. He stated that the Executive Council members did not appreciate the move.[216] About ten days later, the memberships of those who launched the appeal were revoked.[217]

Kim Campbell. One of the statements made in support of the Conservative conspiracy theory was that Gamble, a former Tory, met with Conservative leadership candidate Kim Campbell and MP Bobbie Sparrow in Calgary the same day as he appeared at his Reform Party appeal hearing. 218 People in the Reform Party thought it odd that a Progressive Conservative leadership candidate woul-d take time out from her busy schedule to meet with a former Tory.[219]

The evening of the appeal hearing in Calgary, the four members of the Reform Riding Association dined at the Calgary Inn and had nothing to do after dinner. Campbell and Bobbie Sparrow had a meeting in the hotel to encourage others to come to Ottawa to support Campbell. Gamble and Andrus met a lot of people they knew while walking in the halls and they decided to drop into the reception room.

Inside, they chatted with Sparrow and Kim Campbell, but, said Gamble and David Andrus, it was no more than a social meeting and nothing about Reform was discussed. Andrus and Gamble then went to another reception room and popped their heads into a Carol Channing performance which was underway at the time.[220]

After the Gamble expulsion, Van Seters said he was contacted by Bobbie Sparrows' campaign manager by telephone. This person was trying to obtain more "Gamble Affair" information.[221]

In April or May of 1993, Alloret Gamble, David Andrus and Lublin met to talk about forming a new political party and setting up a constitution.[222] They concluded that it was too much work and too close to the election. Andrus was-not well and could not devote the energy required to do the work properly. They had a couple of meetings to discuss the concept, but nothing resulted.[223]

[TRANSCRIPTION NOTE: The left margin was bound incorrectly on this page, 50, and some words cannot be transcribed with certainty. In such cases, I have used square brackets and question marks to denote uncertainty. knm]

Richard Van Seters, a Gamble supporter; said that Lublin was sympathetic toward John Gamble and the controversy offered Lublin an opportunity to get some more attention.[224]

Conservatives and Lublin. Gamble said he had run against the Conservatives in 1988 as an independent and had no knowledge of any Conservative plot against the Reform Party, having left the Pcs in [?]5. He joined the Progressive Conservative provincial party in Ontario earlier this year (1994).

Gamble thinks he met Michael Lublin before the nomination meeting. Lublin went to Gamble's home and told him about his experience with the Kitchener Waterloo Reform association.[225] During the accusations against Gamble, Lublin came forward to say that Gamble was not anti-semitic.[226]

Michael Lublin has informed the Review Committee that he suggested to Droege that he attend the Reform Party meeting as a way to discredit the Party.[227] He later denied he was involved.[228]

Other Theories. Richard Van Seters, Former Chair of the Reform Don Valley West Nomination Committee said he was not certain whether the Heritage Front was sent by Reform to discredit John Gamble to have him tossed out. One possible reason, said Van Seters, was the fear that Gamble might be a threat, that is, might [ ?e]for the Reform Party leadership as he did in the Conservative Party.[229] Van Seters thought that comments by Ron Wood, Preston Manning's press secretary, after the Reform Party hearing in Calgary were consistent with this theory. Joe Clark, Van Seters pointed out, had a business relationship with Reform Party [Ch]airman, Clifford Fryers.[230]

Van Seters said that during the 1993 federal election campaign, a former Minister in the Conservative Party, Dorothy Dobbie, was an observer at a Winnipeg Reform Assembly and was actively trying to contact Reform dissidents. an Seters said that among those she contacted were Louis Allore and Michael Lublin.[231] Lublin confirmed the contact. Dobbie told SIRC that she did have some contact with Allore and Lublin during September/October 1993. She said that she never provided any instructions to them to discredit the Reform Party and she said she never had any contact with the Heritage Front or Grant Bristow.[232]

David Andrus would add another theory: the HF presence created the perception that Gamble was associated with that group and "one wonders if Reform at the senior level used the HF".They (the Overfield group) were used as bodyguards and everyone was told to use them; there was something more going on than meets the eye."[233]

It was learned in early April 1993, that Michael Lublin told Droege that he had advised the media that the Heritage Front was asked by someone in the senior level of the Reform Party to come out and draw the connection between John Gamble and the HF to discredit Gamble.

7.6.10 David Andrus

David Andrus was the former President of Don Valley West Riding Association of the Reform Party. Reform Party officials point to Andrus as one of those who may have been involved in a campaign to discredit the Reform Party, possibly by using the Heritage Front.

Andrus was at one time the business partner of Michael Wilson, former Conservative Finance Minister, and had helped to run Wilson's election campaign.[234] He had also once been a fund-raiser for the Liberal Party. He joined the Reform Party after speaking with Preston Manning and attending the Saskatoon Assembly.[235] Don Valley West Riding. Andrus lived in the Don Valley West riding and, as he had been involved in running political campaigns before, he became President of the riding association for the Reform Party, probably in March 1992. Andrus said that it was an experienced seasoned riding executive in contrast to many other Reform associations at the time.[236]

Andrus said he set up a Nominating Committee which he did not sit on to select a candidate as he thought it was not appropriate. The Nominating Committee selected 3 candidates, among them, John Gamble, the only one with political experience.[237]

All candidates were to be heard by the membership at large at a meeting on May 27, 1993. Some days beforehand, Andrus received a call and was told to say that Gamble should not be nominated.[238]

At the nomination meeting, Droege and his group attended en masse; several other riding presidents attended the meeting and asked Andrus, "did you know that Droege was over there".

Andrus said he told Droege, "I don`t know why you`re here, but I want you to understand this is a private meeting". Andrus said he would have had them thrown out by the police if they spoke out. Droege and his associates stood at the back of the auditorium and cheered enthusiastically for Gamble, in a very noticeable manner.[239]

After the meeting, the media interviewed Gamble, Droege, and Andrus. Droege said he was there to see that the right candidate was chosen. In hindsight, said Andrus, he should have had them thrown out.[240]

Andrus said he knew nothing about the Heritage Front and he said he was never associated with them. Andrus said that to be "branded" as a racist was a mean blow and there was no basis in fact for that. He stated that he spent 10 to 11 years as Executive Officer for World Vision in Canada and was the International Treasurer for the aid agency, a role inconsistent with being a racist.[241]

7.6.11 The John Beck Affair

One of the theories about a Progressive Conservative Conspiracy in the Reform Party concerns John Beck. He was expelled as a candidate for the York Centre riding in October 1993 and the theory is that he was linked to Grant Bristow, and perhaps also to the Heritage Front in order to embarrass the Reform Party. [242] Hugh Pendergast of the Beaches Woodbine riding association said that John Beck attempted to "suborn" the nomination in Pendergast's riding and the latter saw this as part of the Conservative plan.[243] An unknown caller to MP Deborah Gray's office said that John Beck was a "set-up": he was funded by the Tories and was associated with the Heritage Front.[244]

John Beck responded to a newspaper advertisement which sought a candidate to run for the Reform Party in the riding of York Centre. He said he was interviewed by John Lawrence, the "manager" for the association. Beck went to the meetings, studied the Reform party's platform and won the nomination in May 1993. he said he did everything aaccording to Hoyle" to obtain the nomination.[245]

In a pre-election interview in October 1993, Beck was York University student newspaper Excalibur as saying that some immigrants brought "death and destruction to the people." He also made unflattering remarks about Native Canadians.

In the wake of the statements, the Reform Party forced him to give up his campaign and expelled him. Ron Wood, Preston Manning's press secretary, was later quoted by Varsity, the University of Toronto student newspaper, as blaming Beck for the loss of as many as four federal seats in Ontario and alleged he was part of a dirty tricks campaign by the Progressive Conservatives.[246]

We reviewed allegations that Beck was associated with "The Heritage Front Affair". Beck denied knowing or having contact with Wolfgang Droege, Grant Bristow or anyone else in the Heritage Front. He also said he never had any contact with Paul Fromm, Don Andrews or anyone from the Progressive Conservative Party.[247]

The former features editor for Excalibur, the student newspaper which revealed the Beck comments which led to his expulsion from the Reform Party was guoted as saying:

"she doubts Beck was a plant. She said that if Beck had deliberately set out to sabotage his own campaign, he could have used a medium with much more influence than Excalibur (the student newspaper) . "Frankly, I think it was a fluke," she said. "He just blurted out how he felt."[248]

The Review Committee saw absolutely no information in support of the allegation that John Beck was associated with Grant Bristow, CSIS, or the Heritage Front.



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